Marcus
I've always been good with my hands. Growing up on the Gurnell estate, I watched my mum leave for her night shifts cleaning offices in Canary Wharf, taking two buses and the Central line because there was no direct route. She'd joke that by the time she got home, she could have walked to Birmingham. But it wasn't funny when she missed my school sports day because Transport for London had delays and her supervisor wouldn't let her leave early.
When I left school at 16, I landed an apprenticeship with a local scaffolding firm. That's where I discovered I had a real talent for understanding how structures fit together, how weight distributes, how you build something that lasts. The foreman, Tony, used to say I could look at a building site and see the finished structure in my head before the first brick was laid. I started dreaming about becoming a civil engineer, designing the transport links that could give kids from estates like mine the same chances as anyone else.
In 2019, I walked into Ealing Council's adult education office on Uxbridge Road. The woman behind the desk was friendly enough, but when I asked about engineering courses, her face changed. "The Level 3 construction course? That was cut last year. Budget constraints, I'm afraid. Have you tried West London College?"
So I went to West London College. The admissions tutor there was sympathetic but direct: "Our civil engineering pathway? Suspended indefinitely. Transport for London reduced funding for skills development. There is no funding for new cohorts."
At first, that sounded reasonable. Everyone knows money's tight. I accepted it and kept looking.
In 2020, I tried a different approach. I wrote directly to the Department for Transport, explaining that I lived in an area crying out for better transport links and wanted to train as the engineer who could help build them. The civil servant who replied was professional and thorough: "Treasury spending rules mean we cannot commit to training programmes without confirmed project funding. We understand your frustration, but there is no funding available for speculative skills development."
Again, it made sense on the surface. Why train people for jobs that don't exist yet?
By 2021, I was getting desperate. I applied to the Construction Industry Training Board, thinking surely they'd have apprenticeships for someone willing to work. Their response was polite but final: "Our apprenticeship levy has been redirected to priority regions outside London. We cannot afford to run programmes in your area."
That's when I started walking. Really walking, not just around my estate but across Southall, Greenford, Hanwell. I was trying to understand what "there is no funding" actually meant.
Fifteen minutes from my flat, I found the old British Rail training centre in Southall. Three stories of brick and glass, car park empty except for weeds growing through the tarmac. I peered through the windows and saw fully equipped workshops: lathes, welding stations, computer terminals, even a model railway layout for signal training. The security guard, a Sikh man about my dad's age, was doing his rounds.
"What happened here?" I asked him.
"Closed in 2018 when the funding was withdrawn," he said. "Shame, really. This place could train 200 people at a time. Everything's still there, just gathering dust."
I stared at those empty classrooms and something clicked. The building existed. The equipment existed. Walking back through my neighbourhood that afternoon, I started counting people I knew personally who had construction skills but were signing on at the job centre: Dmitri, who'd built half of Sofia before moving here; Fatima, who had a civil engineering degree from Damascus; James, who'd worked on Crossrail before his contract ended. Thirty people, minimum, all within a ten-minute walk of my front door.
The people existed. The building existed. The need certainly existed – just look at the buses crawling through traffic on the Uxbridge Road every morning. So what exactly was it that "there is no money" for?
The government that issues the pound chose not to spend the pounds that would connect these people to this work. That is a political decision dressed as an accounting problem.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
I'm still here, still watching, still counting the empty buildings and idle hands while civil servants explain why connecting them is impossible. This isn't just my story. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. But I've seen the cupboard. It's full of everything except the political will to open it.
Logical Fallacy
What Marcus experienced has a name.
Constructing an argument that sounds reasonable but contains a fundamental flaw in reasoning.
A logical fallacy is a flaw in reasoning that makes an argument invalid. The false analogy is one of the most common forms – comparing two things that seem similar but are fundamentally different. It's like saying a goldfish bowl and the ocean are the same because both contain water, ignoring that one is vast and self-contained while the other is tiny and dependent on external supply.
Every time someone told Marcus "there is no money," they were applying this false analogy. They treated the UK government's budget like Marcus's household budget – something that must be saved up before it can be spent. But households don't issue currency. They must earn pounds before they spend them. The UK government creates pounds when it spends them.
When the Department for Transport said Treasury rules prevented training without confirmed projects, they were pretending the government must find money like a household saving for home improvements. When the Construction Industry Training Board redirected funding away from London, they acted as though pounds were a finite resource to be rationed rather than entries in a computer system.
The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. And in Marcus's constituency, those resources were sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.