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Episode 68

Theo

Plymouth Sutton and Devonport  |  Education  |  5 May 2026
Theo did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across South West as you listen. This is their story. In Plymouth Sutton and Devonport, among the most deprived constituencies in England, science graduates who want to teach cannot afford the training to become teachers. Empty classrooms sit alongside unemployed scientists while schools struggle to fill posts. The government that creates the currency says it cannot find enough pounds to train the people who are already here, ready to work.

I finished my Chemistry degree at Exeter in 2023 with a 2:1 and a clear plan. I wanted to teach secondary science, probably physics or chemistry, in schools like the ones I'd grown up around in Plymouth. My mum had worked as a teaching assistant at a primary school in Plymstock for fifteen years, and I'd watched her light up when she talked about helping kids understand something for the first time. She'd come home with stories about children who thought they weren't clever enough for science, then discovered they could grasp complex ideas when someone explained them the right way. I wanted to be that teacher for teenagers, especially the ones who never saw university as an option because no one had told them it was possible.

The obvious next step was a PGCE. I applied to Plymouth University's secondary science programme in September 2023 and was accepted almost immediately. The admissions tutor was enthusiastic about my application and my local connection. Then I asked about the training bursary I'd read about online – the financial support that was supposed to help cover living costs while training to teach shortage subjects like science.

The admissions office told me that bursaries for science teaching had been "significantly reduced this year due to Department for Education funding constraints." Instead of the £20,000 I'd expected, I was offered a place but would need to self-fund the £9,000 course fees plus my living costs for the year. Even moving back in with my parents, I couldn't afford it. I'd spent three years at university and had student loans to start repaying, not savings to fund another year of study.

I contacted the regional teaching recruitment team, thinking there might be alternative funding streams. The adviser I spoke to was sympathetic but clear: "Treasury spending limits mean we cannot offer the financial support that was available in previous years." She suggested I apply for a student loan to cover the course fees, but that would mean borrowing more money to train for a profession that was supposed to be desperately short of recruits.

Over the winter, I applied for funding through Devon County Council's education department, Plymouth City Council, and half a dozen educational charities I found online. Each application was rejected due to "limited budgets" or "reduced grant allocation this year." The responses were polite but identical in their reasoning: there simply wasn't money available for teacher training support.

By March 2024, I was ready to give up and look for other work. I went to Plymouth University to collect some paperwork I'd left there, walking through the education faculty buildings I'd hoped to study in. The PGCE classroom blocks were largely empty in what should have been the middle of the academic year. When I asked a faculty member about the low numbers, she looked around to make sure no one was listening, then quietly admitted they had spaces for 40 science trainees but only 12 had enrolled.

"Most can't afford to train without the bursaries," she said. "We're seeing graduates who want to teach, who'd be excellent teachers, but they can't afford the career change. The facilities are here, the staff are here, but the funding decisions have been made elsewhere."

I stared at those empty classrooms and felt something shift. I'd been told repeatedly that there was no money for teacher training, yet here were training places sitting unused. The lecturers were being paid whether they taught 12 students or 40. The classrooms were heated and lit regardless. The materials and equipment were already there. What exactly was it that "there was no money" for?

Walking through Devonport that same week, I got talking to three of my neighbours while waiting for the bus. All of them had science degrees – one in Biology from Plymouth University, one in Engineering from Exeter, one in Environmental Science from UWE Bristol. All of them were working in retail or warehouses. When I mentioned my situation, each of them said the same thing: they'd love to teach but couldn't afford to retrain. One had looked into the PGCE programme the year before but been put off by the cost. Another had been accepted onto a course in Bristol but couldn't afford to move and pay rent while studying.

Here were the people. Here were the skills. Here were the empty training places. Schools across the South West were advertising for science teachers and struggling to fill posts. Yet the Department for Education had decided that connecting these people to these jobs was financially impossible.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the classrooms were available. They were. All of them.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.

I'm still here in Plymouth, still watching. I see the same patterns everywhere: empty training places, qualified people who want to work, institutions that exist to connect them, and a Treasury that treats the currency it creates as though it must be rationed like pocket money. This is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare.

2nd decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
medium
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Theo experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Theo experienced has a name: Cherry Picking. This technique selects rare examples where spending "failed" to justify never spending, while ignoring overwhelming evidence of what happens when government does invest. For decades, tobacco companies cherry-picked isolated studies that questioned the link between smoking and cancer, using them to dismiss thousands of studies that proved the connection. They didn't need to win the scientific argument – just create enough doubt to delay action.

The Department for Education does the same with teacher training. They point to isolated examples of training programmes that produced fewer teachers than expected, using these to justify cutting bursaries across all subjects and regions. They ignore the evidence from countries like Finland, where well-funded teacher training creates education systems that consistently outperform Britain's. They ignore their own data showing that bursaries directly increase recruitment in shortage subjects.

In Theo's case, they applied this logic to science teaching – a subject with chronic shortages. Rather than address the real constraint, which was connecting willing graduates to empty training places, they created an artificial financial constraint. The objection they'd cite is familiar: "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services." But countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending – Greece used the euro, not its own currency.

The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. And in Plymouth Sutton and Devonport, those resources were sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Theo is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
Next episode
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