Skip to main content
Stories Constituencies Map About YouTube Substack Bluesky Twitter/X Podcast RSS
Episode 95

Micah

Dulwich and West Norwood  |  NHS / Healthcare  |  5 May 2026
Meet Micah. The character is fictional. The experience is shared by people across London today. This is their story. In Dulwich and West Norwood, the NHS struggles to fill paramedic positions while blocking local residents from accessing the training programmes that would prepare them for exactly those roles. Training facilities stand underused, qualified instructors wait for students, and emergency services operate with dangerous staff shortages. The gap between need and provision widens each year while Westminster speaks of fiscal responsibility.

I was fourteen when I knew what I wanted to do with my life. A cyclist went down hard outside Dulwich College gates during rush hour, and I watched the ambulance crew work. The way they moved with such calm precision, the way they turned chaos into care, the way the injured rider's face changed when they arrived. I thought: that's who I want to be when someone needs help most.

I planned everything carefully. Biology and psychology A-levels, then two years as a care assistant at King's College Hospital to understand how emergency medicine really works. Not the television version, the real version: the elderly woman who falls at home and lies there for six hours, the construction worker whose hand gets caught in machinery, the teenage diabetic whose blood sugar crashes on the night bus. I learned that being a paramedic means being the bridge between crisis and healing, between panic and professional care. By 2019, I was ready.

London Ambulance Service told me I had scored highly on all assessments. The interview went well. My practical skills were strong. Then came the letter: "Unfortunately, this year's intake is now full." I called the recruitment team. They suggested I apply again next year. When I asked how many people they were training, they redirected me to Health Education England.

Health Education England's regional office gave me the line I would hear many times over the next three years: "Funding constraints have reduced training places this year. We understand this is disappointing, but budget allocations are determined centrally." The woman on the phone sounded genuinely sympathetic. She told me the NHS was committed to workforce development, but resources were limited. It sounded reasonable. Everyone accepts that resources are limited.

I spent another year as an emergency care assistant, thinking the experience would strengthen my next application. I watched qualified paramedics work double shifts to cover vacant positions. I saw ambulances queuing outside A&E because there weren't enough crews to respond to calls. I applied again in 2020. Same response. Same apology. Same promise to try again next year.

By 2021, I was asking different questions. If the NHS was desperately short of paramedics, and people like me were queuing up to train, what exactly was the constraint? I started digging. King's College London ran a paramedic science degree from their Guy's Campus. When I called them, they told me something extraordinary: "We have forty unfilled places this year. Health Education England has capped our funding at sixty student places, but our programme can accommodate one hundred."

I went to see for myself. Guy's Campus sits ten minutes from where I grew up. The simulation labs were state-of-the-art: full-scale ambulance mock-ups, cardiac monitors, defibrillation training equipment, everything you need to learn emergency medicine properly. The lecture halls could seat one hundred students comfortably. In the car park, I counted six ambulance training vehicles sitting unused. The facilities were there. The instructors were there. The equipment was there.

I met Sarah, who lived two streets from my flat in Herne Hill. She had been applying for paramedic training for four years, always told the same thing about funding constraints. I met James from West Norwood, a former army medic with combat experience, rejected three times despite his qualifications. I met Priya, who had been working as a pharmacy technician while trying to get onto any emergency medicine course in London. All of us circling the same empty training places, all of us told the same story about money.

That's when I stopped accepting the excuse. Here was a building designed for training paramedics, equipped for training paramedics, staffed by people whose job was training paramedics. Here were four local residents desperate to become paramedics, assessed as capable of becoming paramedics, blocked from becoming paramedics. The government that issues the pound had told us it couldn't find enough pounds to connect us to those empty seats.

What exactly was it that "there was no money" for? The building existed. The equipment existed. The instructors existed. The students existed. The only thing that didn't exist was the political will to spend the pounds that would bring them together. HM Treasury had decided that training NHS workers was a cost to be minimised, not an investment to be celebrated. That decision created the shortage we were living with.

I started to understand that the constraint was never really financial. The UK government creates pounds when it spends them into existence. It doesn't need to find them first, like a household checking its bank account. The question was whether society had the resources to train more paramedics: the people who wanted to learn, the facilities where they could learn, the qualified staff who could teach them. We had all of those things. What we lacked was a Treasury willing to authorise the spending that would connect them.

The ideology that said government budgets work like household budgets had created an artificial scarcity in the middle of abundance. Empty training places, unfilled ambulance positions, and qualified candidates told the same story from different angles. This wasn't about fiscal responsibility. This was about a political choice to treat public investment as a burden rather than as the mechanism by which society builds the capacity to care for itself.

Where I am now is not defeated, but clear-eyed about what I witnessed. I'm still working as an emergency care assistant, still watching the gap between need and provision widen each year. But I understand now that what happened to me wasn't bad luck or natural scarcity. It was the result of decisions made by people who had alternatives and chose not to use them.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.

This is not just my story. Walk through any constituency where NHS positions stay vacant while qualified candidates get rejection letters. Visit any university campus where healthcare training facilities sit half-empty. The pattern is everywhere: resources exist, people exist, needs exist, and someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard belongs to the people who stock it.

4th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Fake Experts

What Micah experienced has a name.

Using unqualified or misleading sources to manufacture doubt about what the data clearly shows.

What Micah experienced has a name: Fake Experts. This technique relies on citing economists or commentators who treat the household budget analogy as self-evident, as though repeating it makes it true.

Think of tobacco companies in the 1960s citing doctors who questioned the link between smoking and cancer. The authority figures weren't necessarily dishonest, but they were selected because they validated a predetermined conclusion. The companies amplified voices that supported their interests while marginalising those who didn't.

In Micah's case, every rejection letter cited "funding constraints" as though this were an immutable law of physics rather than a policy choice. Health Education England officials quoted Treasury guidance. Treasury officials quoted economic consensus. The consensus they cited came from economists who assume government budgets work like household budgets. But which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. "Economists say" without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.

The UK government issues its own currency. It doesn't need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint was never the money. It was the availability of lecture halls, training equipment, qualified instructors, and students ready to learn. Micah found all of these sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Economists say we cannot spend more on health without causing inflation."
Which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. 'Economists say' without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Micah is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
Next episode
Rebecca's Story
Runcorn and Helsby · Episode 96