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Episode 88

Mariam

Birmingham Selly Oak  |  NHS / Healthcare  |  5 May 2026
Mariam did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across West Midlands as you listen. This is their story. In one of England's most disadvantaged constituencies, healthcare training programmes sit empty while wards remain understaffed. The NHS faces a workforce crisis not because qualified people don't exist or won't step forward, but because Treasury spending limits block the pathway between eager candidates and the clinical roles desperately needed in Birmingham's hospitals.

I grew up watching my parents build something from nothing. Their corner shop in Small Heath became the neighbourhood's lifeline, but I wanted to heal people differently. After my grandmother's final weeks at Heartlands Hospital, I knew exactly what I wanted to do. The nurses who cared for her worked with such skill and compassion, even when they were clearly stretched too thin. I studied biomedical science at Birmingham City University, then took a job as a healthcare assistant on the same ward where my grandmother had been treated. I still sketch medical equipment in my notebook margins when I'm thinking through problems, a habit from my art A-level that somehow helps me see solutions more clearly.

By 2019, I'd been working as a healthcare assistant for three years. I knew the ward inside out, understood the equipment, had built relationships with patients and families. The qualified nurses trusted me with complex tasks, but I hit the ceiling of what I could officially do without a nursing degree. Our ward was chronically short-staffed. Shifts ran with skeleton crews. Experienced nurses were burning out and leaving. The pathway forward seemed obvious: apply for nursing degree funding through Health Education England West Midlands.

My application was strong. Excellent references from ward managers, solid academic record, three years of direct healthcare experience. I submitted everything in March 2019, confident this was just a formality. Six weeks later, the rejection letter arrived. Not because of my qualifications, they said, but because training places had been capped due to Treasury spending limits. There was a waiting list, but no indication when places might become available.

I waited. Kept working, kept hoping. In 2020, I applied again. Same result. The letter was almost identical, word for word. "There is no funding," the administrator at Health Education England told me over the phone when I called to ask for clarification. It sounded reasonable. Budgets are budgets, right? Everyone accepts that.

That's when I decided to go directly to Birmingham City University. The admissions office was helpful but frustrated. "We have empty places on nursing courses," the staff member told me. "Fully equipped simulation labs, qualified lecturers ready to teach. But we can't fill the places without Health Education England funding approval. Our hands are tied."

I started walking past the university's health building on my way to work. Five floors of state-of-the-art medical training facilities. Through the windows, I could see entire simulation wards sitting unused, equipment covered in dust sheets. Millions of pounds worth of training infrastructure, designed specifically to create the nurses our hospitals desperately needed, standing empty because someone in Whitehall had decided the Treasury could not afford to activate it.

The contradiction nagged at me. In my own neighbourhood, I knew at least six people working minimum-wage jobs who had healthcare experience and wanted to retrain as nurses. Sarah from the pharmacy had been a nursing auxiliary before budget cuts eliminated her position. Ahmed worked nights stocking shelves but had qualified as a healthcare assistant before his previous hospital ward closed. Lisa cleaned offices but had completed two years of a nursing degree before family circumstances forced her to drop out. All of them had applied for funding. All had received the same letter I did.

I tried approaching NHS England West Midlands directly. Maybe there was another pathway, another budget line. The administrator I spoke with was candid about the system. "The Treasury treats training budgets as expenditure to be minimised, not investment in future capacity," she explained. "They see the upfront cost of training but not the long-term value of having qualified staff. Each year, they ask us to do more with less funding."

This is when something clicked for me. If the people exist, and the building exists, and the need exists, what exactly is it that "there is no money" for? The government that issues the pound chose not to spend the pounds that would connect these people to this work. That is a political decision dressed as an accounting problem.

I started seeing the same pattern everywhere. The empty simulation labs at Birmingham City University. The healthcare assistants in my neighbourhood who wanted to train but couldn't access funding. The ward managers who told me they'd hire newly qualified nurses immediately if any existed. The training infrastructure sitting unused while we worked short-staffed shifts that compromised patient care.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. The government issues the currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint should have been whether qualified lecturers existed to teach, whether simulation labs existed to train in, whether hospitals existed to employ the graduates. All of those things were there, waiting.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.

The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. I'm still working as a healthcare assistant, still watching the empty training labs, still seeing colleagues leave because they can't advance. But I understand now that what happened was not bad luck or inevitable constraint. It was a series of political choices made by people in Westminster who had alternatives and chose not to use them.

This is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone with the power to issue currency says the cupboard is bare.

3rd decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
medium
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Fake Experts

What Mariam experienced has a name.

Using unqualified or misleading sources to manufacture doubt about what the data clearly shows.

What Mariam experienced has a name: Fake Experts.

Throughout history, industries under scrutiny have deployed friendly experts to legitimise harmful practices. Tobacco companies funded scientists who questioned the link to cancer. Pharmaceutical companies sponsored researchers who downplayed addiction risks. The pattern is always the same: genuine expertise gets muddied by voices who sound authoritative but serve specific interests.

In Mariam's case, every institution cited the same economic orthodoxy as though it were natural law. Health Education England administrators, NHS managers, even university admissions staff repeated the same script about Treasury constraints. They weren't lying, but they were channeling an ideology that treats government budgets like household budgets, presented by economists who speak with false certainty about unknowable limits.

The austerity objection in healthcare runs: "Economists say we cannot spend more on health without causing inflation." But which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. "Economists say" without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.

The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. In Birmingham Selly Oak, those resources were sitting idle while fake experts provided intellectual cover for political choices. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Economists say we cannot spend more on health without causing inflation."
Which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. 'Economists say' without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Mariam is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
Next episode
Jasmine's Story
Walthamstow · Episode 89