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Episode 73

Samira

Holborn and St Pancras  |  Education  |  5 May 2026
Samira did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across London as you listen. This is their story. In Holborn and St Pancras, one of England's most disadvantaged constituencies, graduates who want to teach English cannot access the training that schools desperately need them to complete. The Department for Education has withdrawn funding for teacher training bursaries while classrooms sit without qualified teachers and training centres operate below capacity.

My brother Ashraf was fifteen when I realised I wanted to teach. He'd been struggling with reading since primary school, falling further behind each year while teachers moved the class forward without him. Our parents worked eighteen-hour days in the shop and couldn't help with homework they didn't understand. So I sat with him every evening after my shifts as a teaching assistant, breaking down passages sentence by sentence, watching his confidence grow as the words finally started making sense.

The day he got a B in his English GCSE, he hugged me so tight I couldn't breathe. "You should be a proper teacher, not just helping out," he said. "You're better at explaining things than half the teachers at school." That night, I applied to the Institute of Education at University College London for secondary English teacher training. I'd saved £3,000 working as a teaching assistant across Camden schools, enough for the first year if I got the government bursary that was advertised as £10,000 for English teachers.

In March 2023, I received a letter from the Department for Education. "We regret to inform you that the teacher training bursary for English secondary education has been reduced from £10,000 to £0 for the 2023-24 academic year. National recruitment targets for English teaching have been met." I read it three times before it sank in. The previous week, I'd covered classes at two different Camden schools because they couldn't find supply teachers. How could recruitment targets be met when every school I knew had vacancies?

I applied for student loans instead, but Student Finance England rejected my application within a week. My undergraduate debt from King's College was still too high, they said. The system wouldn't allow me to borrow more for teacher training. I tried Teach First next, thinking their graduate programme might have different funding. The admissions officer was sympathetic but firm: "Our London cohort is completely full for September. We do have immediate places available in Manchester if you'd consider relocating."

Manchester was 200 miles from my family, from Ashraf who was starting his A-levels, from the Camden schools where I'd already built relationships with staff and pupils. I called Camden Council's school recruitment team instead. Sarah Morrison, the head of teacher recruitment, was blunt when I explained my situation: "We have twelve secondary schools with English teacher vacancies right now. I could place you tomorrow if you had the qualification. But we cannot afford to run our own training bursaries. The budget has been cut."

There it was: the phrase that was becoming familiar. No budget. No money. It sounded reasonable when she said it. Everyone's budgets were tight. I understood that. But something nagged at me as I walked home past the Institute of Education building on Bedford Way. Recruitment posters were still plastered across the entrance: "Teacher Training Places Available - Apply Now for Immediate Start." If there was no money and no places, why were they still advertising?

I pushed through the glass doors into the main reception. The building was quieter than I'd expected for a Thursday afternoon. Lecture halls were visible through open doorways, rows of empty seats facing blank whiteboards. A receptionist looked up as I approached her desk. "I'm wondering about English teacher training places," I said. "Are there still spaces available?"

She checked her computer screen. "Yes, we have capacity for another fifteen students on the secondary English programme. But all the government-funded places have been withdrawn. Without the bursary scheme, we can't offer the training even though we have the space and the staff."

I stood there looking at those empty lecture halls, thinking about the £10,000 that had vanished from one budget line, the twelve Camden schools that couldn't find English teachers, the fifteen training places that couldn't be filled. The people existed: graduates like me who wanted to teach. The facilities existed: I was standing in them. The need existed: I'd seen it in every school where I'd worked. The trainers existed: their offices lined the corridors around me.

What exactly was it that there was "no money" for?

The question followed me home and stayed with me for weeks. I started seeing the contradictions everywhere. The government that prints every pound note and mints every coin was telling us it couldn't find enough of them to train teachers for London schools. The same government that had spent £895 billion during the pandemic, that had created money for furlough schemes and business loans with a few keystrokes, was suddenly constrained by accounting when it came to education.

I contacted the Department for Education directly, asking for clarification about the bursary cuts. The response came from Emma Richardson in Teacher Supply Policy: "HM Treasury has imposed expenditure controls on all departments. Teacher training budgets must operate within fixed allocations set at the spending review. Unfortunately, this means we cannot expand bursary schemes even where regional shortages persist."

Fixed allocations. As though the Treasury was counting coins in a jar rather than issuing the currency itself. As though the government that creates every pound was somehow short of pounds. The logic only made sense if you believed the government worked like a household, finding money before it could spend it. But governments don't work like households. They work the other way around: they spend money into existence, then collect some of it back through taxes.

I'm still here, still working as a teaching assistant while I watch the contradictions multiply. This week alone, I've covered classes at three schools because they can't recruit qualified teachers. The Institute of Education building still has empty lecture halls. The need still exists, the facilities still exist, the people who want to train still exist.

What I understand now that I didn't understand then is that every time someone said "there is no money," they were making a political choice disguised as an accounting problem. The money isn't found; it's created when the government decides to spend it. The real question was never about finding pounds in some Treasury vault. The real question was whether the government chose to spend pounds into teacher training or chose to spend them elsewhere.

The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to use it. And that willingness is a political decision, not a financial constraint. It's the same story playing out across every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard is never bare. The government just chooses not to open it.

3rd decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
medium
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Samira experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Samira experienced has a name: Cherry Picking. This technique takes isolated examples of spending that produced poor outcomes and uses them to justify never spending at all. It's like a doctor who refuses to prescribe antibiotics because some patients had allergic reactions, ignoring the millions of infections successfully treated. The technique works by highlighting rare failures while systematically ignoring overwhelming successes.

In Samira's case, policymakers cherry-picked examples of teacher training programmes that struggled to retain graduates, using these outliers to justify cutting all bursaries. They ignored the thousands of teachers successfully trained through previous programmes, the schools that desperately needed staff, and the graduates ready to enter the profession. Each time someone said "there is no money," they were applying cherry-picked failures to justify blanket withdrawal.

The austerity objection often heard is: "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services." This misrepresents the evidence entirely. Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro and did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with extensive public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. And in Samira's constituency, those resources were sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Samira is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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