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Episode 65

Marcus

Rossendale and Darwen  |  Education  |  5 May 2026
Marcus is a composite. The blockages, the conversations, the doors that closed are real, and they are closing across North West now. This is their story. In education, across one of England's most deprived constituencies, science graduates who want to teach cannot access training programmes, while secondary schools report critical teacher shortages in the same subjects. The infrastructure exists, the people exist, but the connections between them have been severed by choices made in Westminster.

I grew up in Darwen, watching my mum work as a teaching assistant at the local primary school. She had this way of making numbers make sense to kids who thought they were rubbish at maths. My younger sister has dyslexia, and I'd watch Mum sit with her at the kitchen table after dinner, turning letters into shapes and words into puzzles. That's where I learned that teaching isn't about showing off what you know. It's about finding the door that opens for each person.

After my physics degree at Lancaster, I knew I wanted to come home and teach secondary science. There's something about the moment when a student suddenly gets why the pendulum swings or how electricity flows. I wanted to bring that back to Darwen, to give kids here the same chances I'd had.

I applied to the School-Centred Initial Teacher Training programme at Blackburn with Darwen Teaching School Alliance in September 2023. The woman on the phone sounded apologetic. "The physics training bursary has been cut from £28,000 to £15,000," she told me. "I know it's disappointing." Fifteen thousand was not enough to live on while training full-time, not with my mum struggling with the mortgage after Dad left. The cut made the course financially impossible.

I tried Edge Hill University's PGCE programme next. They were friendly enough, but the admissions tutor explained they could only offer twelve physics places across the whole North West. "Department for Education recruitment targets," she said. "We have capacity for thirty trainees, but we're restricted to twelve." I asked why they couldn't fill the empty places with people who wanted to train. She shrugged. "That's the allocation we've been given."

I contacted Rossendale Valley High School directly about school-direct training. The headteacher was honest about the situation. "We desperately need physics teachers," she said. "But we cannot afford to run additional training places. Treasury spending rules mean the education budget is fixed regardless of teacher shortages." She sounded frustrated. "I've got classrooms sitting half-empty because I can't find qualified staff, but I can't fund the training that would solve the problem."

Walking past the university's education building one afternoon, I noticed something that didn't fit. The seminar rooms were empty. A notice board still advertised unfilled physics teacher training places from the previous year. The spaces were there. The lecturers were there. The students who wanted to train were there, standing outside, unable to get in.

That's when I started asking different questions. If the building exists, and the people who want to teach exist, and the schools that need teachers exist, what exactly was it that "there is no money" for? The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work.

I used to accept the excuse that there was no funding. It sounded reasonable. Everyone accepted it. The Treasury sets spending limits, departments compete for resources, some programmes get cut. That's how government works, right?

But I kept seeing the contradiction. Empty training places. Graduate physicists working in call centres because they couldn't access teacher training. Secondary schools where one teacher covered physics, chemistry, and biology because they couldn't recruit specialists. The materials for learning existed. The people who wanted to teach existed. The students who needed teaching existed. What didn't exist was the political decision to connect them.

The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the classrooms were available. They were. All of them. The government that issues the pound chose not to spend the pounds that would connect these people to this work. That is a political decision dressed as an accounting problem.

I now understand what I didn't understand at the start. The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. When they said "there is no funding for additional teacher training places," they meant "we have chosen not to create the funding for additional teacher training places." When they said "the budget is fixed," they meant "we have decided the budget should be fixed." These were not natural laws. They were policy decisions made by people who had alternatives.

The government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. Every empty training place, every unqualified teacher covering subjects they never studied, every student taught by a supply teacher who'll be gone next week - these are not inevitable outcomes. They are the results of choosing scarcity in the middle of abundance.

I'm still here, still watching. I see the pattern now in every conversation about public services. The cupboard is never bare by accident. It's bare by design. And I know this isn't just my story. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster insists the resources don't exist to connect them. They do exist. They always did.

2nd decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
medium
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Marcus experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Marcus experienced has a name: Cherry Picking. This means selecting rare examples where spending "failed" to justify never spending, while ignoring overwhelming evidence of what happens when government does invest.

Cherry picking works like a tobacco company in the 1960s highlighting the occasional smoker who lived to 90 while ignoring thousands who died young. You focus on the rare exception to dismiss the overwhelming pattern. In education policy, this means citing the occasional training programme that didn't fill all its places to justify cutting successful programmes that consistently produced qualified teachers.

In Marcus's story, officials pointed to recruitment "challenges" in some subjects to justify reducing bursaries for physics - a subject with chronic shortages. They ignored evidence from Nordic countries where generous teacher training investment eliminated shortages entirely. They cherry-picked examples of "wasteful" spending on education while ignoring the economic returns of properly funded teacher development.

The objection "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services" exemplifies this technique. Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending - Greece used the euro, not its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Marcus is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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