Skip to main content
Stories Constituencies Map About YouTube Substack Bluesky Twitter/X Podcast RSS
Episode 5

Connor

Middlesbrough and Thornaby East  |  Construction  |  5 April 2026
Connor is a fictional character, but what they went through is happening across North East today. This is their story. In one of the most deprived constituencies in England, construction training places sit unfilled while housing targets go unmet and skilled work remains undone. The Construction Industry Training Board directs levy funding away from areas with the greatest need, leaving people like Connor caught between advertised courses and bureaucratic barriers. Here is Connor's story in his own words.

My name is Connor. I'm 24, and I've been trying to become a qualified bricklayer for two years now. I grew up on a council estate in central Middlesbrough after we moved down from Glasgow when I was eight. My dad struggled to find steady work, but I learned early that having a proper trade meant you could always earn. I left school at 16 with decent GCSEs and spent three years working for my uncle's small building firm, doing general labouring. But I watched the skilled tradesmen transform derelict houses in our neighbourhood, and I knew that was what I wanted to do. I live with my girlfriend and our two-year-old daughter in a cramped flat. Every morning when I see her playing with her blocks, building little towers, I think about the houses I could build for families like ours.

In February 2023, I applied to Middlesbrough College for their Level 2 Bricklaying course. I'd seen it advertised online, clear as day. When I called, they told me the course was full. "No more places," the woman said. "Try again next year." But I knew that wasn't right. I'd been watching the website for weeks, and the application deadline hadn't even passed. So I contacted the Construction Industry Training Board directly. That's when things got interesting.

The CITB told me there were training places available across the North East region. Plenty of them. But none were allocated specifically to Middlesbrough College for the next intake. The funding had been distributed differently. They couldn't tell me exactly why, just that it was a regional decision. "The places exist," the advisor said, "just not where you are."

So I tried applying to colleges in Newcastle and Sunderland. Newcastle College told me priority was given to local residents, and there was a waiting list. Sunderland College said the same thing. I explained that I was willing to travel, that I needed the qualification to support my family. "We understand," they said, "but our funding is tied to local authority boundaries. You'll need to apply somewhere in your area."

I went back to Middlesbrough College in March. Still nothing. That's when someone mentioned Redcar and Cleveland College. I drove over there on a rainy Thursday morning, sat in their waiting room for an hour, and finally spoke to someone who could help. They had places. They accepted my application on the spot. I walked out with an acceptance letter for September 2023.

For six months, I planned around that course. I arranged childcare with my girlfriend's mum. I worked extra shifts at the building supply warehouse where I'd been picking up casual work. I bought the safety boots and high-vis gear they'd listed as required. Then, in August, three weeks before the course was meant to start, I got a letter. The course was cancelled due to "insufficient demand."

I called them immediately. "But you accepted me," I said. "You sent me a letter." The woman on the phone was apologetic but firm. "We need minimum numbers to run the course," she explained. "We only had eight applicants, and we need twelve. There is no funding to run it for smaller groups."

Eight people. Eight people who wanted to learn bricklaying, in an area where you can drive for ten minutes and count dozens of houses that need repair, where the local authority has a housing target it's nowhere near meeting. But apparently eight wasn't enough.

I contacted my local MP Andy McDonald's office. They were sympathetic, professional, helpful. They made calls on my behalf. A week later, they referred me back to the college system. The circular logic was perfect: the colleges said they needed local authority support for funding decisions, the local authority said they followed national guidelines, and the national guidelines pointed back to the colleges.

By September, I was getting desperate. I found a place at Bishop Auckland College. Finally, a course that was actually running, with spaces available. But Bishop Auckland is a two-hour round trip from Middlesbrough. The daily travel costs worked out to £18. I was on Universal Credit, and £18 a day would have consumed nearly half my income. I couldn't afford to attend the course I'd been accepted for.

That's when the contradiction hit me. I was standing outside Bishop Auckland College, looking at a building designed for training, with equipment and instructors ready to teach the skills I needed to learn. An hour's drive away, there were houses that needed building, repairs that needed doing, families like mine who needed homes. Between them and us stood a funding system that could find the money for the buildings, the staff, and the equipment, but not the £18 a day to connect the people to the training.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The UK government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.

I'm still here, still watching, still trying. I work casual shifts when I can find them, and I keep my eye on the college websites. But now I understand something I didn't understand before. This isn't just happening to me. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The people exist. The need exists. The choice not to connect them is being made by someone, somewhere, who has the power to make a different choice.

1st decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
176
Registered charities in Middlesbrough and Thornaby East
£4096655
Grants to charities headquartered in Middlesbrough and Thornaby East
medium
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Connor experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Connor experienced has a name. Cherry Picking.

This technique works like studying traffic accidents to prove that cars don't work. You ignore the millions of successful journeys and focus only on the crashes. A false analogy compares two things that seem similar but work completely differently, like comparing a goldfish bowl to the ocean because both contain water. Cherry picking takes it further: it selects only the examples that support a predetermined conclusion.

In Connor's story, when he questioned why training places sat empty while people needed skills, someone said "other councils tried building housing and it failed." This cherry-picks rare examples where spending "failed" to justify never spending, while ignoring overwhelming evidence of success. Vienna built council housing for a century and created one of the world's most liveable cities. Singapore built its way out of slums into prosperity. Every major UK city until 1980 built council housing successfully at scale.

The root is always the household budget myth. Each time Connor was told "there is no funding," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. And in Connor's constituency, those resources were sitting idle.

The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Other councils tried building housing and it failed."
Selective examples prove nothing. Vienna, Singapore, and every major UK city until 1980 built council housing successfully at scale. The question is what conditions make it work, not whether it has ever failed somewhere.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Connor is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
Next episode
Megan's Story
Ceredigion Preseli · Episode 6