Rochelle
I trained as a care assistant at Manchester College in 2011, straight after my A-levels. Care work chose me as much as I chose it. Growing up in Hulme, I watched my gran struggle to stay in her own home as her mobility got worse. The carers who came twice a day weren't just doing a job, they were giving her dignity. When she finally had to move to a residential home, I knew I wanted to be the person who made that transition easier for someone else's family.
For eight years, I worked in residential homes across Manchester. I loved the work, even when it was hard. There's something about helping someone wash and dress in the morning that feels fundamental, necessary. You're not just providing personal care, you're saying to another human being: you matter, your comfort matters, you deserve to start each day feeling clean and cared for. When the pandemic hit and my care home closed, I was devastated but not defeated. I had two teenagers at home and a clear vision: I wanted to set up my own domiciliary care service. Help elderly people stay in their own homes longer, give them what my gran had wanted but couldn't quite manage.
In early 2023, I walked into Manchester City Council's adult social care offices on Lloyd Street North, wearing my best interview outfit and carrying a folder full of plans. The commissioning officer, Sarah, was friendly enough. She explained the process for registering as an independent provider, the insurance requirements, the training standards. Then she got to the rates. "For personal care visits, we can offer £14.50 per hour," she said, sliding a printed rate sheet across her desk.
I did the math in my head while she was still talking. Travel time between clients, unpaid. Training updates, required but unpaid. Insurance, equipment, fuel, phone bills. "That won't cover my costs," I told her. "I'd be working for less than minimum wage once you factor in everything else."
Sarah nodded sympathetically. "I know it's challenging. Unfortunately, that's what the budget allows."
I left with application forms I knew I couldn't use. The next week, I contacted Greater Manchester Combined Authority about their social care workforce development fund. I'd seen it mentioned in a newsletter from the council. The programme coordinator, James, was apologetic but clear: "The programme has been paused pending budget reviews. There is no funding available at this time."
I tried Manchester Metropolitan University next. Their healthcare apprenticeship schemes looked promising online. The admissions coordinator, Helen, was honest in a way that surprised me. "We have forty unfilled places on our Level 3 Health and Social Care course," she said. "Students can't afford to train for jobs that don't pay enough to live on. We keep the courses running, but we can't fill them."
Walking home from that meeting, I passed the old Inspire Training Centre on Princess Road. I'd driven past it dozens of times since it closed, but this time I stopped. The building was boarded up, weeds growing through cracks in the car park. A faded sign still advertised "Adult Education and Skills Training." This used to be where people retrained for care work, where they learned new skills when their old industries disappeared. Now it stood empty.
At the job centre the following week, I met six other women in almost identical situations. Lisa, who'd worked in dementia care for twelve years. Angela, a former nursing home supervisor. Marie, who'd specialized in end-of-life care. All of us experienced, all of us unemployed, all of us told the same thing by the work coach: "There are no viable opportunities in the social care sector due to funding constraints."
But I knew that wasn't true. The care homes I used to work with still had vacancy signs in their windows. The elderly people in my own street were still struggling with personal care. Mrs. Rahman three doors down had been on the council waiting list for a care package for eight months. The people who needed care existed. The people who wanted to provide care existed. The training facilities existed, even if they stood empty.
I started to question what "there is no funding" actually meant. The government that prints the pound notes told me it couldn't find enough of them to pay care workers a living wage. The same government that had found billions for bank bailouts, billions for business loans during the pandemic, billions for tax cuts. The money existed when they decided it existed.
The real contradiction became clear when I walked past the job centre and the care home on the same street. One building full of unemployed care workers, the other with "Staff Wanted" signs in every window. The gap between them wasn't physical. It was a political choice wrapped in the language of impossible arithmetic.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
I'm still here, still in Manchester Central, still watching. I understand now that what happened to me is not unique to social care or to this constituency. It's the story of every place where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never bare. They just chose not to open it.
Logical Fallacy
What Rochelle experienced has a name.
Constructing an argument that sounds reasonable but contains a fundamental flaw in reasoning.
Every time someone told Rochelle "there is no money," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. Households must earn or borrow before they spend. Governments that issue their own currency spend first, then collect taxes. When a family says "we can't afford it," they mean they lack access to money that already exists. When the UK government says "we can't afford it," they mean they choose not to create the money that would solve the problem.
In Rochelle's story, the false analogy operated at every level. Manchester City Council treated care funding like a household budget running short. Greater Manchester Combined Authority "paused" programmes as though they were waiting for pocket money from Westminster. HM Treasury set limits on care spending as though pounds were a finite natural resource rather than entries in a government ledger.
The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.