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Episode 263

Kaia

Eltham and Chislehurst  |  Education  |  10 May 2026
Kaia did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across London as you listen. This is their story. In Eltham and Chislehurst, English teachers are desperately needed while qualified graduates who want to teach cannot access the training or positions that would put them in front of students. The classrooms sit empty not because the teachers do not exist, but because someone decided the government could not afford to connect them to the work they want to do.

I grew up in Sidcup with books everywhere. My father came from Ghana to work as a teaching assistant, my mother was a Scottish librarian, and our house was the kind of place where dinner conversations turned into debates about Achebe versus Austen. I studied English Literature at King's College London because I wanted to understand how stories work, how they change people, how they can bridge the gap between where you come from and where you might go. By my final year, I knew I wanted to teach. Not in some abstract way, but specifically: I wanted to stand in front of teenagers in South East London and show them that literature was not a posh person's game, that it belonged to them too.

In 2023, I applied for a teacher training bursary through the Department for Education's online portal. The system was straightforward enough: fill in your details, upload your degree certificate, explain why you want to teach. English was listed as a subject with critical shortages, particularly in London. The website talked about the urgent need for qualified teachers and the government's commitment to supporting new entrants to the profession. I was optimistic. This felt like exactly the kind of programme that should exist, connecting people who wanted to teach with the schools that needed them.

The response came six weeks later. English teaching bursaries had been reduced from £10,000 to £3,000 for London trainees. The email was polite but final: "Due to budget constraints and Treasury spending limits, we have had to prioritise funding across all subject areas." It was the first time I heard that phrase, "budget constraints." It sounded reasonable. Responsible, even. The government had to live within its means, just like anyone else.

I completed my PGCE anyway, taking on £15,000 in additional student debt. The course was excellent, the tutors were committed, but the financial pressure was constant. I worked weekends at a bookshop in Greenwich to cover rent and living costs. Other students dropped out, unable to manage without the bursary support they had been counting on. Our cohort started with thirty-two trainee English teachers for South East London. By graduation, we were down to nineteen.

Then came the job hunt. I applied to twelve secondary schools across Eltham, Chislehurst, and Greenwich through the local authority recruitment system. Every single one told me the same story: they desperately needed English teachers, but they could not offer competitive salaries because their budgets had been frozen. Harris Academy Greenwich had been running combined Year 10 and Year 11 classes because they only had two full-time English teachers for 400 students. Colfe's School in Lee had advertised the same English position three times in six months with no suitable applicants. The head teacher at Thomas Tallis School in Kidbrooke actually said to me during the interview: "We would love to have you, but we cannot afford to run that programme."

There it was again. Cannot afford. Budget constraints. The same language everywhere.

But then I started noticing things that did not fit. I visited Shooters Hill Sixth Form College for an interview, and the head teacher walked me through the English department. Three fully equipped classrooms stood completely empty. Interactive whiteboards, bookshelves stocked with class sets of novels, thirty desks arranged in perfect groups of six. "We had to combine classes due to staffing shortages," she explained, gesturing at rooms that could have housed ninety students but instead held none. The resources were there. The space was there. The students who needed those classes were crammed into a single overcrowded room down the corridor.

The same week, I was walking through Eltham when I passed the old Teacher Training Centre on Passey Place. I had heard about it during my PGCE course but had never seen it. The building looked solid, modern, maybe ten years old. I peered through the windows and saw rows of unused desks, a fully equipped ICT suite, seminar rooms with whiteboards still covered in half-erased diagrams. It looked like everyone had simply walked out one day and never come back.

I contacted Greenwich Council's education department to ask about it. The response was prompt and matter-of-fact: the centre had been closed in 2022 when central government funding was withdrawn. It had capacity for 200 trainees annually. The facilities were still there, maintained and ready. But there was no money to run programmes.

That was when something shifted for me. I started seeing the contradiction everywhere. The government that issues the pound told me it could not find enough of them to train the teachers who were standing right there, ready to work. I had met dozens of graduates like me during the PGCE course, people who wanted to teach English in London schools. We existed. The schools that needed us existed. The empty classrooms existed. The closed training centre existed, fully equipped and waiting.

So what exactly was it that "there was no money" for? The building was already built. The desks were already made. The books were already printed. The graduates were already educated. The students who needed teachers were already enrolled in schools. Every physical thing required to connect teachers to classrooms was sitting there, visible, real.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.

I am still here, still watching, still ready to teach. I understand now that what happened to me was not bad luck or unfortunate timing. It was a series of political decisions made by people who had alternatives. They chose to leave the classrooms empty and the training centres closed while telling qualified graduates that the cupboard was bare. And I know this is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster insists there is no money to connect them.

5th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Kaia experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Kaia experienced has a name: Cherry Picking.

Cherry picking means selecting only the evidence that supports your argument while ignoring everything that contradicts it. For decades, tobacco companies cherry-picked studies that failed to find links between smoking and cancer, while ignoring the overwhelming evidence that smoking kills. They found the rare outliers and presented them as proof that the science was unsettled.

The same technique operates every time someone says "there is no money" for teacher training. They cherry-pick the rare examples where government spending failed to deliver perfect results, then use those isolated cases to justify never spending at all. They point to a training programme that had administrative problems five years ago, or a school that struggled despite additional funding, while ignoring the overwhelming evidence of what happens when government does invest in education properly.

This cherry-picking relies entirely on the false belief that government budgets work like household budgets. The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: teachers, buildings, equipment, time. And in Eltham and Chislehurst, those resources were sitting idle.

The austerity objection is always: "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services." But countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece used the euro. Nordic countries with large public sectors have fewer debt crises, not more.

The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Kaia is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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