Priyanka
I grew up watching my mother come home exhausted from twelve-hour shifts as a healthcare assistant at Ealing Hospital. She would sit at our kitchen table in Southall, still in her scrubs, telling me about the patients who needed more time than the ward could give them. I knew from age ten that I wanted to be the nurse practitioner who could spend that time, who could bridge the gap between what people needed and what the system could provide.
After studying biomedical science at King's College London, I came home with a plan. I would train as a nurse practitioner and work in the community clinics around Southall, serving the Punjabi families who sometimes struggled to navigate the NHS in English, who trusted healthcare workers who understood their lives. I volunteer every weekend at the gurdwara's health screening programme, taking blood pressure readings and checking blood sugar levels for elderly men who have never set foot in a GP surgery. I can see exactly where my skills would fit.
In 2022, I applied to Health Education England for nurse practitioner training. I had my biomedical science degree, two years of healthcare experience, and references from consultants at Ealing Hospital who knew my work. I was one of 300 qualified applicants across London competing for 80 funded training places.
"There is no funding," the admissions coordinator told me when I called to ask about my rejection. "HM Treasury has set strict spending limits for workforce development. We can only fund the places that fit within our allocated budget."
It sounded reasonable. I accepted it. Everyone I spoke to accepted it. Budgets have limits. Money runs out. That is how the world works.
I tried again in 2023, this time applying through NHS England's workforce development programme after Health Education England was restructured. Same qualifications, same references, same determination to serve the community where I grew up.
"The budget has been cut," the programme manager explained over the phone. "We have even fewer funded places this year. You might consider private training, but most trusts cannot guarantee employment for privately trained practitioners."
Again, I nodded. I understood. The government was tightening its belt. Difficult choices had to be made.
But then I started looking more carefully at what those choices actually were.
I contacted Imperial College and King's College London directly, the universities that run the nurse practitioner courses. What I discovered made no sense. Both universities had unfilled training places. Imperial had 15 empty spots on their January 2024 intake. King's had 12. The lecture theatres were there, the clinical supervisors were there, the placement hospitals were ready to take students.
"We would love to fill those places," the admissions tutor at King's told me. "We have the capacity. But Health Education England can only fund 80 places across London, and they allocate them through their own selection process. We cannot take additional students without the funding guarantee."
I started volunteering more hours at Ealing Hospital, partly to build my application for the next year, partly to understand what was happening on the wards. That was when I saw the unused simulation labs on the second floor of the education centre.
£2 million worth of training equipment sitting in the dark. High-fidelity patient simulators, clinical skills trainers, IV practice arms, cardiac monitoring systems. All of it purchased in 2019 as part of the hospital's commitment to expanding nurse training. The keypads on the doors still worked. The computers still booted up when I asked the facilities manager to show me around.
"We used to run training sessions every day," he said, walking me through rooms designed for 20 students at a time. "Now we use maybe two rooms, twice a week. Health Education England's contracts were cut back. The equipment just sits here."
I walked home through Southall Broadway that evening, past the women who had lost their jobs as care assistants when private care homes closed during the pandemic. Some of them had worked in healthcare for decades. They wanted to retrain, to move into the NHS where the work was more secure, better paid, more respected. They could not get onto the courses.
The people existed. The training equipment existed. The hospitals needed the staff. The universities had empty places. What exactly was it that there was no money for?
I started asking different questions. If the UK government issues the pound, how can it run out of pounds? If the Treasury controls government spending, why does it treat investment in nurse training as though it were a household trying to balance its credit card bill?
I contacted my MP, Gagan Mohindra, asking him to explain why Health Education England's budget was being constrained while training places sat empty and hospitals struggled with staff shortages. His office sent me a letter explaining that "public spending must be carefully managed to avoid excessive borrowing and fiscal irresponsibility."
But when I looked at the government's response to other crises, the careful management seemed remarkably flexible. Bank bailouts in 2008 appeared overnight. COVID support schemes were implemented within weeks. Furlough payments reached millions of workers without anyone asking where the money would come from first.
The difference was not about the government's capacity to spend money it issues itself. The difference was about which spending was considered politically urgent and which could be delayed indefinitely while people waited.
I am still here in Southall, still volunteering at the gurdwara every weekend, still watching my neighbours struggle to access healthcare that could be delivered by practitioners who want to train and cannot find funded places. I understand now what I did not understand at the start.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
Every weekend at the gurdwara, I meet families who could benefit from accessible healthcare delivered by practitioners who understand their lives. I know this is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where qualified people and urgent needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster insists the cupboard is bare.
Fake Experts
What Priyanka experienced has a name.
Using unqualified or misleading sources to manufacture doubt about what the data clearly shows.
Fake experts offer authoritative-sounding opinions that support a predetermined conclusion, often without revealing their conflicts of interest. The tobacco industry employed scientists who questioned the link between smoking and cancer. Pharmaceutical companies funded researchers who downplayed the addictive properties of opioids. In each case, the fake experts provided a veneer of scientific credibility to decisions that served corporate interests rather than public health.
In Priyanka's story, the fake experts were the economists cited to justify NHS workforce caps. When challenged about unused training places and idle equipment, officials pointed to economic authorities who warned against "excessive public spending" and "fiscal irresponsibility." But which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. "Economists say" without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.
The unnamed experts allowed Treasury officials to treat government spending like household budgeting while avoiding scrutiny of the analogy itself. A household cannot issue currency. The UK government can and does. When it chooses not to fund nurse training, it is not discovering a financial limit - it is imposing a political priority.
The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.