Marisa
I grew up in Brixton watching my nan get the most incredible care at King's College Hospital. The nurses there were everything I wanted to be: skilled, compassionate, completely present with their patients. My nan had dementia, and they treated her with such dignity, explaining every procedure, never talking over her head. I knew from age fourteen that this was my calling. Not just nursing, but specifically learning disability nursing. My younger brother Jamie is autistic, and I'd seen how much difference it made when healthcare staff actually understood his needs instead of just seeing the challenging behaviour.
I worked as a healthcare assistant for three years after my A-levels, deliberately choosing shifts in learning disability units to gain experience. I saved every penny I could and built relationships with charge nurses who could vouch for my commitment. By 2019, I was ready. My application to King's College London's nursing programme was strong: three years of relevant experience, excellent references, clear motivation, good academic record. I'd even volunteered at a day centre for adults with Down's syndrome on my days off.
The rejection letter was polite but brief. The cohort was full. I should try again next year. Fair enough, I thought. It's competitive.
2020 came around. Same application, updated with another year's experience. Same result. This time I phoned Health Education England directly to ask about places. The administrator was sympathetic but clear: "There is no funding for additional nursing places. The budget has been cut by Treasury spending controls." She explained it like a simple fact of life, the way you'd explain that it was raining. I accepted it. It sounded reasonable. Everyone understands budgets get tight.
I applied again in 2021, thinking surely after the pandemic they'd increase nursing places. Same answer. By then I was starting to feel desperate. I was twenty-nine, still a healthcare assistant, watching younger colleagues get onto other courses while nursing remained blocked. But the explanation still made sense to me: there wasn't enough money. The government had to make hard choices.
Then in 2022, something shifted. I was visiting the King's College nursing school for an open day, hoping to understand what made successful applications stand out. The campus was beautiful: modern lecture theatres, well-equipped simulation labs, everything you'd need to train excellent nurses. But as I walked around, I noticed something odd. Whole lecture theatres were empty. Corridors that should have been bustling with students were quiet. I asked a lecturer during the presentation how many students they could accommodate.
"Physically? About four hundred," she said. "We're currently running at just over two hundred."
After the formal session, she approached me privately. "You asked about capacity," she said quietly. "We turn away excellent candidates every year because HM Treasury treats our training budget as a cost to be minimised rather than an investment in NHS capacity. The facilities exist. The staff exist. The demand certainly exists. But the spending rules mean none of it connects."
I started asking around my workplace. Leroy, who worked on the acute ward, had tried for nursing training too. So had Sarah from the children's unit. So had Marcus, who'd been a healthcare assistant for five years. We were all stuck in the same loop: qualified, motivated, experienced, but blocked by artificial caps on places. Meanwhile, every shift was understaffed. Every ward was crying out for more nurses.
The contradiction was right there in front of me. I could see it with my own eyes every day. Empty training facilities. Understaffed wards. Qualified healthcare assistants desperate to progress but unable to access courses. The facilities existed. The people existed. The need certainly existed. What exactly was it that "there was no money" for?
I started to think differently about that phrase. The government that prints every note and mints every coin in circulation was telling me it couldn't find enough of them to train people who were standing right there, ready to work in buildings that were sitting half-empty. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed. They did. Whether the skills could be taught. They could. Whether the materials and facilities were available. They were.
The excuse wasn't a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. HM Treasury had decided that training nurses was a cost to be minimised rather than recognising that spending pounds into nursing education is how you create the workforce that keeps people healthy. It's the same logic as a household saying "we cannot afford it," except a household doesn't issue its own currency. The government does.
The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. Every empty lecture theatre, every understaffed ward, every qualified healthcare assistant stuck in an endless loop of applications traced back to the same source: a political decision to treat public investment as a burden rather than as the means by which resources and people connect.
I'm still here, still working as a healthcare assistant, still applying for nursing training. But I understand now what I didn't understand at the start. When someone in Westminster says there's no money for training nurses while nurses' posts go unfilled and healthcare assistants queue up to fill them, they're not describing a natural constraint. They're describing a political choice. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was about ideology, not accounting.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. Every time I walk past those empty lecture theatres, every time I cover a shift that could have been filled by someone I know who wanted to train but couldn't access the course, I see the same pattern. It's not just my story. It's the story of every constituency where need and resources exist side by side while someone with the power to connect them says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never bare. The question was always who gets to reach into it.
Impossible Expectations
What Marisa experienced has a name.
Demanding a standard of perfection that no policy could ever meet, in order to justify doing nothing.
Throughout the 1990s, tobacco companies used impossible expectations to block regulation, demanding absolute proof of harm when the existing evidence was already overwhelming. They knew that demanding perfection would delay action indefinitely. In Marisa's case, HM Treasury applied the same logic to nursing education: they demanded guarantees that every training pound would produce perfect graduates with zero dropouts and immediate employment, standards they never applied to bank bailouts or tax cuts for corporations.
The austerity objection here is always "The NHS is a bottomless pit -- we cannot keep throwing money at it." This sets an impossible standard where no amount of evidence of need is ever sufficient. No service is bottomless. NHS costs are measurable. The UK spends less per capita on health than France, Germany, or the Netherlands.
The UK government issues its own currency. The real constraint was never fiscal but political: Treasury ideology that treats training nurses as a cost rather than recognising that government spending is how skilled professionals reach the wards that need them. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.