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Episode 202

Robyn

Gosport  |  Education  |  10 May 2026
Robyn did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across South East as you listen. This is their story. In education, where chemistry teachers are desperately needed but training places sit empty, Gosport reveals how Treasury spending rules create artificial scarcity in a profession crying out for new recruits. My name is Robyn, I'm 27, and I wanted to teach chemistry until I discovered that the government treats teacher training like a household managing its weekly shopping budget.

I grew up in Portsmouth but moved to Gosport after graduating from Southampton with a Chemistry degree. For two years, I worked in a pharmaceutical lab, running tests and writing reports. The work was fine, but something was missing. It was my younger brother who showed me what that was.

He was struggling with GCSE chemistry, calling the equations "impossible" and the periodic table "just random letters." When I sat down with him one evening, something clicked. I found myself breaking down complex molecular structures into stories he could follow, turning chemical reactions into conversations between atoms. His face lit up when he finally understood why hydrogen and oxygen became water. That moment, watching understanding dawn in his eyes, felt more valuable than any lab result I'd ever produced.

I decided to teach. Chemistry teachers were desperately needed everywhere, the news kept saying. Schools couldn't fill science positions. It seemed like perfect timing.

In early 2023, I applied for a chemistry teacher training place through the University of Portsmouth's School Direct programme. The admissions tutor, Dr. Sarah Chen, seemed enthusiastic about my application until we discussed funding. She leaned back in her chair and shook her head.

"I have to be honest with you, Robyn. The government has slashed bursaries for science subjects from £24,000 to £10,000 for the South East region. Most of our applicants simply can't afford to train anymore."

I asked why they'd cut funding for subjects they said they desperately needed. She shrugged. "Treasury spending rules. Each department has to work within fixed budgets, regardless of what's actually needed on the ground."

That sounded reasonable at first. Budgets had to be managed, after all. Everyone understood that.

I tried the School-Centred Initial Teacher Training route at Bay House School in Gosport. The head of teacher development, Mr. James Wright, was apologetic but clear.

"We'd love to take you on, but our allocation has been cut from twelve places to four. The Department for Education says there's no funding to expand the programme."

Again, the same phrase. No funding. It was becoming a familiar refrain.

Frustrated but not defeated, I contacted the Department for Education directly. Surely someone there could explain why chemistry teachers were desperately needed but training was being restricted. A civil servant named Helen Morrison took my call.

"I understand your frustration," she said, "but Treasury spending rules mean we have to work within fixed budgets. We can't just create money out of thin air."

There it was again. The same explanation, delivered as though it were a law of physics.

But then I started noticing things that didn't fit.

A friend mentioned that the University of Winchester had chemistry teacher training places they couldn't fill. I drove there on a Saturday morning and met with Dr. Amanda Foster from their education department. She walked me through their facilities, and what I saw made no sense.

They had eight unfilled chemistry training places sitting empty because potential teachers couldn't afford the reduced bursary. The science teaching lab was fully equipped, with interactive whiteboards, demonstration benches, and practice equipment still in sealed boxes from the previous year. Everything was there. Ready to use.

"It's heartbreaking," Dr. Foster said, running her hand along an unused lab bench. "We have the staff, we have the facilities, we have graduates who want to teach. But the funding formula means we can't connect them."

I stood in that empty lab, looking at thousands of pounds worth of equipment gathering dust, and something shifted in my thinking. If the people existed, and the buildings existed, and the materials existed, and the need definitely existed, what exactly was it that "there was no money" for?

I started asking different questions. The government that issues the pound, that prints the notes and mints the coins, told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. But pounds are not a finite resource dug from the ground. They are created when the government spends them.

The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.

I began to understand that what I'd been told was not a fact but a choice. The excuse was not a financial constraint but a political decision dressed as an accounting problem. Every time someone said "there is no funding," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. A household has to find money before it spends it. A government that issues its own currency does not.

The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. The Department for Education could have fully funded teacher training. HM Treasury could have allocated whatever was needed. They chose not to. That choice was then presented to people like me as an unchangeable fact of life, like gravity or the weather.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. When a civil servant tells me the government cannot afford to train teachers, I hear a political choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. When a university shows me empty training places alongside unemployed graduates, I see resources that could be connected by political will, not separated by financial law.

The cupboard was never bare. The decision to keep it locked was political, not financial. And I am not the only person in South East discovering this. Every constituency has its version of the same story. People who want to work, places that need the work done, and someone in Westminster saying the two cannot be connected because there isn't enough of a currency that the government itself creates.

I'm still here, still watching, still asking the questions that expose the gap between what they tell us is possible and what we can see with our own eyes. The chemistry lab at Winchester is still there. The graduates who want to teach are still there. The need for chemistry teachers has not disappeared. What's missing is not money. What's missing is the political decision to connect them.

5th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Robyn experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Robyn experienced has a name: Cherry Picking. This technique selects rare examples where spending "failed" to justify never spending, while ignoring overwhelming evidence of what happens when government does invest.

Think of tobacco companies in the 1960s. They cherry-picked the few studies that failed to find a smoking-cancer link while ignoring hundreds that did. The technique made uncertainty look like balance, doubt look like science.

In Robyn's story, policymakers cherry-picked examples of teacher training programmes that struggled, using them to justify slashing bursaries across all regions. They ignored decades of evidence that properly funded teacher training produces the teachers schools desperately need. When Winchester University showed them eight unfilled places and a fully equipped lab, they pointed instead to isolated cases of overspending from previous years.

The austerity objection here is always: "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services." But countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro - it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

The UK government issues its own currency. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Robyn is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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