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Episode 175

Lydia

Putney  |  Education  |  10 May 2026
The voice you are about to hear belongs to a fictional character. The events do not. They are unfolding across London today. This is Lydia's story. In Putney, chemistry graduates who want to teach secondary school are being blocked from teacher training programmes by funding cuts that have left science departments understaffed and laboratory spaces underused. The resources to train teachers exist alongside the people who want to become teachers, but Treasury spending rules prevent the Department for Education from connecting them.

I still remember the first time I mixed copper sulphate with iron filings in Year 12. The solution turned from blue to green right in front of my eyes, and something clicked. Chemistry wasn't just about memorising equations – it was about understanding how the world actually worked, how atoms rearranged themselves according to rules you could predict and test. My teacher, Mrs Patterson, had this way of making even the most complex reactions feel like detective stories. She's the reason I studied chemistry at Imperial College, and she's the reason I wanted to teach.

After two years at a pharmaceutical company in Slough, I kept thinking about those moments when everything suddenly made sense for a student. I'd been volunteering at a community centre in Roehampton, helping teenagers with their science homework, and I watched their faces change when they finally grasped why metals conduct electricity or how photosynthesis actually works. That's when I knew I wanted to be in a classroom full-time. I started collecting vintage chemistry textbooks at car boot sales – not because I needed them, but because I loved seeing how the same fundamental truths had been explained to generations of students.

In September 2023, I applied for secondary science teacher training through the Department for Education's Get Into Teaching service. The adviser I spoke to was apologetic but clear: chemistry teacher bursaries in London had been reduced from £27,000 to £15,000 due to what she called "budget constraints across all training routes." She explained that Treasury spending limits meant they had to prioritise recruitment in areas with the lowest application rates. London apparently wasn't one of them.

I applied anyway to the Institute of Education at UCL. The admissions tutor was sympathetic when she told me their PGCE places were limited because reduced bursaries meant fewer applicants could afford to live in London during training. "We understand the irony," she said. "London schools need chemistry teachers more than anywhere, but the financial support doesn't reflect that reality." I asked if there were any alternatives. She suggested looking at School Direct programmes, where partner schools might offer additional support.

I tried Roehampton University's School Direct programme next. The admissions officer there was frank about their situation. They'd had to cut their chemistry cohort from 20 places to 12 because partner schools couldn't afford to support trainees without adequate bursary funding. "The schools want the teachers," she told me. "They desperately need chemistry graduates. But they can't subsidise the training when the government funding isn't there." She used that phrase again: "The budget has been cut."

At first, this all sounded reasonable. Public spending is limited. Choices have to be made. I understood that government departments couldn't fund everything they wanted to fund. I started looking at alternative routes – maybe I could teach physics instead, or move somewhere outside London where the bursaries stretched further.

Then in February 2024, I visited my old sixth form college in Wandsworth. I wanted to talk to Mrs Patterson about other pathways into teaching. When I arrived, I found something that didn't fit the story I'd been told. The college had three unfilled chemistry teacher positions. Three. The head of science, Mr Williams, walked me past a fully equipped laboratory that was only being used for A-level classes. "We've got everything we need except the teachers," he said. "The equipment is sitting here, the students need the lessons, but we can't recruit graduate chemists."

I asked him about the interviews they'd conducted. "We've seen several strong candidates," he told me. "People with good degrees who clearly want to teach. But they can't accept the positions because they haven't been able to access teacher training in London. The costs are too high without proper bursary support." He gestured toward the empty lab bench. "So we have a classroom that could be teaching 30 students chemistry right now, and it's empty for half the week."

That's when I started to understand what was really happening. The people existed – I'd met some of them in the waiting rooms of admissions offices. The schools existed – I was standing in one that needed teachers. The equipment existed – the lab benches and fume cupboards were right there. The students existed – they were in other lessons, waiting for chemistry classes that couldn't run.

If all of those things existed, what exactly was it that "there was no money" for? The government that prints the pounds and issues the currency was telling me it couldn't find enough of them to connect graduates who wanted to teach with schools that needed teachers. But the graduates were standing right there. The schools were asking for them. The Treasury wasn't being asked to magic teachers into existence – just to provide enough support so the teachers who already wanted to do the job could afford to train for it.

I started to see the contradiction everywhere. Training centres with empty places while schools couldn't recruit. Graduates priced out of programmes while classrooms sat understaffed. The Department for Education competing with other departments for slices of a budget, as though the government that creates the currency was somehow short of it.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the classroom spaces were available. They were. All of them.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.

Now I'm still here, still watching, still collecting those vintage textbooks. But I understand something I didn't understand when I started. This isn't just about me not becoming a chemistry teacher, or about those empty lab benches in Wandsworth. It's about every constituency where the resources exist alongside the need, while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never bare. It was locked.

8th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Cherry Picking

What Lydia experienced has a name.

Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.

What Lydia experienced has a name: Cherry Picking. This technique works by selecting rare examples where spending "failed" to justify never spending, while ignoring overwhelming evidence of what happens when government does invest. It's like arguing that goldfish can survive in any body of water because both a goldfish bowl and the Atlantic Ocean contain water – the comparison ignores everything that actually matters.

In education, cherry pickers point to isolated training programmes that didn't meet targets or schools that struggled despite investment. They use these exceptions to argue that teacher training bursaries are wasteful, that government spending on education doesn't work, that market forces should determine recruitment. What they ignore is the evidence from every successful education system in the world: sustained public investment in teacher training produces better outcomes than leaving it to individual affordability.

The objection "Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services" relies on this same cherry picking. Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro – it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have fewer debt crises, not more.

The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.
Reality check
"Look what happened to countries that overspent on public services."
Countries that issue their own currency have never defaulted due to domestic spending. Greece, the standard example, used the euro -- it did not issue its own currency. Nordic countries with large public sectors have lower debt crises, not higher.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Lydia is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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