Toby
I grew up watching my dad's crew frame houses across Cheshunt, learning to read a spirit level before I could properly read a newspaper. Left school at 16 and spent three years doing general labouring, but I always knew I wanted to specialise. My younger sister was starting university, and electricians earn better money than general hands. I had steady hands and an eye for detail. It felt like a natural progression.
I applied to Hertford Regional College for their electrical installation course in February 2023. The receptionist was friendly enough when I handed over my application form, but two weeks later I got a letter saying the course was full. "Try again next year," it said. Fair enough, I thought. Popular courses fill up.
That summer I went to the Construction Industry Training Board regional office in Stevenage. The adviser, a woman in her fifties who seemed to know the industry inside out, looked over my CV and nodded approvingly. "You've got the background we need," she said. "Problem is, the funding's been reallocated to other priorities. We just don't have the budget for new apprenticeship starts." She showed me a thick folder of similar applications. "All good candidates," she said. "All turned away for the same reason."
Through autumn 2023, I tried three different training providers across Hertfordshire and Essex. First was a private college in Harlow, then a skills centre in Chelmsford, then back to a further education college in Bishop's Stortford. Each conversation followed the same script. They'd look at my experience, say I was exactly what they were looking for, then explain about cuts to CITB levy funding. "The money's just not there anymore," the administrator in Chelmsford told me. "We're operating on a shoestring."
By early 2024, I started calling construction firms directly. Two electrical contractors in Harlow were desperate for apprentices. Both offered me work on the spot. But they couldn't take me on without a training provider partnership, and the training providers couldn't take me on without funding. "We've got three commercial projects starting next month," one contractor told me. "We need people who know what they're doing with electrical systems. But our hands are tied."
I went back to Hertford Regional College in March 2024. The same course coordinator who'd turned me away a year earlier agreed to meet me. What she showed me didn't make sense. We walked through workshops with brand-new electrical installation equipment still in boxes. Pristine workbenches. Tools that had never been used. "We've got twelve unfilled places on the electrical course," she said. "The equipment's been here since September, but we can't access the CITB funding because Treasury won't release it to areas that don't meet their infrastructure spending criteria."
I asked what infrastructure spending criteria meant. She pulled out a letter from the Department for Levelling Up. The government had decided that training funding should only go to areas where major infrastructure projects were already approved and funded. But the infrastructure projects couldn't get workers because the training providers couldn't access funding to train them. "It's a loop," she said. "They won't fund training without infrastructure, and they won't fund infrastructure without trained workers."
Meanwhile, my mate from school mentioned that his friend Rajesh had been trying to get teacher training sorted over in Harwich and hitting similar funding walls everywhere he turned. Different sector, same story. The pattern was becoming clear.
I stood in that workshop looking at equipment worth thousands of pounds sitting unused while two electrical contractors twenty miles away were turning down work because they couldn't find trained apprentices. The course coordinator knew her subject inside out. The building was perfect for training. The equipment was there. I was there, ready to learn. The contractors were there, ready to employ me once trained. The housing developments were there, waiting for electrical work to be completed.
But apparently there was no money.
I used to accept that excuse. It sounded reasonable. Everyone accepts it. The government has a budget, like a household has a budget. When the money runs out, you can't buy things. Simple.
But standing in that workshop changed how I heard it. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to connect me to training that would put me to work building homes that already had planning permission. The contractors existed. The training centre existed. The equipment existed. I existed, ready to work. The housing developments existed, needing electrical installations. The real question was never about money. It was about whether all these pieces could be connected.
They could be. All of them were sitting there, waiting.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It's the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
I'm still here, still watching. What I understand now that I didn't understand at the start is that what happened to me was not bad luck or poor timing. It was a series of political choices made by people who had alternatives. They chose to treat government spending like household spending. They chose to withhold training funding from areas that needed infrastructure while withholding infrastructure funding from areas that lacked trained workers. They chose to let equipment sit in boxes while contractors turned away work.
Every door that closed was someone's decision. Every "no money" was someone choosing not to spend money that they could have spent. Every unfilled training place was someone deciding that connecting workers to work was less important than maintaining the fiction that government budgets work like household budgets.
This is not just my story. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never bare. It was locked, and they chose not to turn the key.
Cherry Picking
What Toby experienced has a name.
Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.
Cherry picking works like a tobacco executive citing the one ninety-year-old smoker to prove cigarettes don't cause cancer, while ignoring the hundreds of thousands who died from lung disease. You find the exception and treat it as the rule.
In Toby's story, Treasury officials pointed to failed training schemes from the 1980s to justify cutting CITB funding in 2023, ignoring the decades of successful apprenticeships that built modern Britain's infrastructure. They cited the rare council housing project that went over budget to block all council housing, ignoring Vienna, Singapore, and every major UK city that built quality housing successfully until 1980.
The objection "other councils tried building housing and it failed" is pure cherry picking. Selective examples prove nothing. The question is what conditions make programmes work, not whether they have ever failed somewhere.
The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. In Broxbourne, those resources were sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.