Siobhan
I grew up believing work was simple: if you had the skills and someone needed the job done, you could make it happen. My nan raised me after mum died, and watching her slip away with dementia five years ago taught me what good care looks like. I keep her photo in my car because she reminds me why this matters. People deserve dignity when they're vulnerable. That's what drew me back to the island after university in Portsmouth, where I'd studied social work. I wanted to work in local care homes, to give back to the community that shaped me.
I started at Meadowbank Care Home in Newport, thinking I'd found my calling. The work was exactly what I expected: demanding, meaningful, necessary. What I hadn't expected was discovering my wages barely covered rent and travel costs after six months. I wasn't asking to get rich, just to live decently while doing work that mattered. When I calculated my hourly rate against my expenses, the numbers didn't add up.
So I applied to train as a senior care assistant through Isle of Wight Council's workforce development scheme. The council officer was apologetic but clear: "We've had to suspend the programme due to budget constraints from central government." She explained it like weather, something that just happened. I accepted that explanation initially. Budgets are tight everywhere, right?
Then I contacted Skills for Care South East directly. They had training places available, which confused me. If the training existed and I was ready to learn, what exactly was the problem? The coordinator explained: "Local authorities aren't commissioning places because their care budgets have been capped by Treasury spending limits." Again, presented as fact rather than choice. The money wasn't there, apparently.
I approached three more care homes: Westridge House, Sunrise of Bembridge, and Oakdene Nursing Home. All offered me positions immediately, which told me something important about demand for workers. But the hourly rates were £9.50 to £10.20, less than I could earn stacking shelves at the local Asda. The manager at Westridge House was refreshingly blunt: "We'd love to pay more, but the council sets our fees below what it actually costs to deliver care. Our hands are tied."
Frustrated but not defeated, I signed up for agency work through Prestige Nursing, thinking I might earn more through flexible contracts. Instead, I found myself covering the same roles at the same homes for the same low pay, just without sick leave or holiday entitlement. When I asked about permanent positions with better rates, the agency coordinator gave me the same script: "The council rate is the council rate. Central government caps how much they can spend on care, so this is what we all have to work with."
Everyone I spoke to used identical language. "There is no funding." "The budget has been cut." "We cannot afford to run that programme." It sounded reasonable each time. It sounded inevitable. I started to accept it myself.
Then I walked past the old Ryde Skills Centre last month. The building was locked and empty, windows dark, but clearly intact. A neighbour told me it used to run care assistant courses but had closed when "the funding dried up." I stood there looking at this perfectly functional training facility, thinking about all the unemployed people I knew who wanted this work, all the care homes desperate for staff, all the elderly residents who needed support.
That's when the contradiction hit me. The people existed. I'd met them. The skills could be taught. The building was right there. The need was overwhelming. Every care home I'd visited was understaffed. So what exactly was it that "there was no money" for? The government that issues the pound had chosen not to spend the pounds that would connect these people to this work.
I started to see the pattern differently. The Department of Health and Social Care sets funding limits for local authorities. Local authorities set fees for care providers based on those limits. Care providers can only pay wages based on those fees. At every level, someone was saying "we can't afford it" while pointing to the level above. But at the top of that chain sits HM Treasury, which issues the currency everyone else claims to lack.
The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them. I could see them with my own eyes.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility.
It's the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household doesn't issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
I'm still here, still watching, still working where I can. But I understand now that what happened to me isn't just my story. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never empty. Someone just decided not to open it.
Logical Fallacy
What Siobhan experienced has a name.
Constructing an argument that sounds reasonable but contains a fundamental flaw in reasoning.
Every time someone told Siobhan "there is no money," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. Households must earn or borrow before they spend because they use currency they don't control. The UK government issues pounds sterling. It doesn't need to find pounds before it spends them into existence. The Treasury could have funded care training, competitive wages, and proper staffing levels. The constraint was never fiscal. It was political.
The false analogy works because it sounds sensible. Everyone understands household budgets. Politicians and economists repeat the comparison until it feels like natural law rather than a choice about how to think about government spending. But comparing a currency issuer to a currency user is like comparing the goldfish bowl to the ocean. The scale and the rules are completely different.
The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.