Marcus
My father came to this country from Jamaica in 1987 with nothing but his tools and a belief that good carpentry would always find work. He taught me to measure twice and cut once, to feel the grain of wood before making the first cut. For twenty years he built kitchen extensions and fitted wardrobes across Hertfordshire, his reputation spreading by word of mouth. When I was sixteen, he'd let me sand down doorframes after school, teaching me that every piece of timber has its own character. I loved the smell of fresh sawdust and the satisfaction of joints that fitted perfectly. But I drifted into retail after A-levels, telling myself I'd get properly qualified later. Later became thirteen years of shop floors and customer service roles, watching my father's hands grow stiff with arthritis until he finally retired in 2019.
That was my wake-up call. I was thirty by then, tired of selling other people's products, ready to build something real. I wanted to follow the path my father had shown me, but do it properly this time. Get qualified, learn the modern techniques, maybe even start my own business. Construction was booming around Watford. New housing developments everywhere, kitchen fitters advertising on every corner shop window. It felt like the perfect moment to make the switch.
In February 2022, I called West Hertfordshire College about their carpentry courses. I'd looked at their website, seen the photos of students working with modern machinery, read about their partnerships with local construction firms. The woman on the phone was polite but firm. "I'm afraid we've had to cut our construction programmes," she said. "Reduced government funding for adult education. The Department for Education changed the funding formula." I asked when the courses might restart. "We don't have a timeline," she said. "The budget has been cut." It sounded reasonable. Everyone knew public spending was under pressure.
I contacted the Construction Industry Training Board directly. They directed me to approved training providers in the East of England region. I found three with carpentry apprenticeships: one in Luton, one in Cambridge, one in Stevenage. All three gave me the same response: they couldn't take on new apprentices without employer sponsorship. The providers had the capacity, they told me, but apprenticeships required a company to commit to employing me while I trained.
So I approached local construction firms. Watford Construction Services, Heritage Builders, three smaller outfits that advertised in the local paper. Every conversation followed the same pattern. "We'd love apprentices," they said. "We're crying out for skilled carpenters. But we can't afford the training costs." They explained that apprenticeship training required contributions from the Construction Industry Training Board levy, but accessing that funding had become impossibly complex. "There is no funding," one site manager told me. "The levy money exists, but it's tied up in Treasury spending controls."
I started to see the same pattern everywhere. The training providers had places but needed employer sponsorship. The employers wanted apprentices but couldn't access the levy funding. The college had closed its courses because the Department for Education had changed the funding formula. Everyone pointed to someone else who controlled the money that would make it work.
Then I discovered something that made no sense. Walking past Hertfordshire Regional College's Watford campus in April, I noticed the construction training block was still there, but the windows were boarded up. The security guard was having a cigarette break, so I asked what had happened to the workshops. "Closed last year," he said. "Shame, really. All the equipment's still in there."
I peered through a gap between the boards. Twenty workbenches with power tools covered in dust sheets. Stacks of unused timber against the far wall. A notice board still advertising Level 2 Carpentry and Joinery courses from 2021. The guard told me I was the third person that month asking about carpentry training. "There's lads coming round every few weeks," he said. "All looking for the same thing. All getting told the same story about no money."
That's when the excuses stopped making sense. The people existed. I could name them: myself, the other two men the guard had mentioned, probably dozens more across Hertfordshire. The equipment existed. I'd seen it with my own eyes, gathering dust behind those boards. The demand existed. Every construction firm I'd spoken to said they needed skilled carpenters. The buildings existed. The workshop was there, empty and locked.
What exactly was it that "there was no money" for? Not the tools, which were already bought. Not the space, which was already built. Not the teachers, who'd been made redundant but were still living in the area. Not the raw materials, which were stacked and waiting. The only thing missing was the decision to spend the pounds that would connect all these elements together.
I started to understand that when they said "there is no funding," they meant something different from what I'd assumed. They meant the Treasury had chosen not to spend money on construction training in this area, at this time, for these people. That's a political decision, not an accounting problem. The government that prints the pound notes told me it couldn't find enough of them to open a workshop that already existed, to train people who were already waiting, to fill jobs that were already advertised.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it.
I'm still here, still watching, still working retail while I figure out my next move. But I understand now that what happened to me is happening across every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The carpenters are here. The timber is here. The houses need building. What's missing isn't money. What's missing is the political will to connect them.
Cherry Picking
What Marcus experienced has a name.
Selecting only the data points that support a predetermined conclusion while ignoring the rest.
Cherry picking works like a tobacco company citing the one study that found no link between smoking and cancer while ignoring fifty studies that proved the connection. You spotlight the convenient data and pretend the inconvenient data doesn't exist.
In Marcus's story, the objection was: "Other councils tried building housing and it failed." This cherry-picks isolated examples of housing projects that had problems while ignoring the obvious counter-evidence. Vienna built world-class council housing for a century. Singapore built its way from slums to prosperity through public construction. Every major UK city built successful council housing until 1980. The question is what conditions make it work, not whether it has ever failed somewhere.
Meanwhile, the UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. In Marcus's constituency, those resources were sitting idle. Skilled workers wanted training. Training workshops sat empty. Construction firms needed apprentices. Housing targets remained unmet.
The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.