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Episode 120

Malcolm

Rugby  |  Transport  |  5 May 2026
Malcolm did not exist before this episode. What they are about to describe is happening across West Midlands as you listen. This is their story. In Rugby, transport infrastructure investment that could connect isolated residents to jobs and services remains stalled while skilled engineers and construction workers sit idle. Malcolm's proposals for accessible bus stops and cycle lanes met the same Treasury doctrine that treats public spending like household budgeting, leaving both urgent need and available expertise disconnected.

I grew up watching the trains come and go from Rugby station, knowing this place as the heart of Britain's railway network. My dad worked the overnight shifts at the old British Rail workshops until they closed. I studied civil engineering at Coventry University because I wanted to build things that would last, things that would help people get where they needed to go. Fifteen years designing road projects across the Midlands taught me that good transport isn't just about moving vehicles. It's about connecting people to their lives.

When my mother's arthritis got worse, simple journeys became impossible. The bus stop outside our terraced house has no shelter, no raised platform, no dropped kerb. She'd wait twenty minutes in the rain for a bus she couldn't board safely. I'd drive her to the shops on Saturdays, watching other elderly residents struggle with the same barriers. The cycle lanes that could give younger people cheap, reliable transport to the industrial estates simply didn't exist. I knew exactly what needed fixing and exactly how to fix it.

I spent three years writing detailed proposals to Warwickshire County Council. Accessible bus stops with proper platforms and weather protection. Segregated cycle lanes connecting the residential streets to the job centres and retail parks. I'd measured every junction, calculated every gradient, specified every material. The planning department called my technical work excellent. Sarah Mitchell, the transport planning officer, told me they'd rarely seen proposals this thorough from outside consultants.

Then came the meeting I'll never forget. Sarah sat across from me in the council offices, my bound proposal between us. "Malcolm, this is exactly what Rugby needs," she said. "But there is no funding. The capital budget for transport infrastructure has been cut again this year. We cannot afford to run that programme."

It sounded reasonable. Everyone accepts it. Budgets are tight. Money is limited. You can't spend what you don't have.

I tried the West Midlands Combined Authority next. Andy Hopkins in their transport strategy team told me the same thing with different words. "We're concentrating our spending on Birmingham and Wolverhampton projects," he said. "Rugby doesn't qualify for the major investment streams." When I asked about smaller schemes, he shook his head. "The Treasury allocation barely covers existing commitments."

The Department for Transport was my final attempt. I filled out the levelling up fund application, forty pages of detailed costings and benefit assessments. The response came back in three sentences. Rugby didn't meet the criteria for major transport investment. Resources were focused on higher-priority areas. There was no funding available.

Three doors. Three versions of the same answer. No money. Cannot afford it. Budget constraints.

Then I started noticing things that didn't fit.

Walking past the old Alstom engineering works on Leicester Road, I'd see them every Thursday morning. Dozens of skilled rail engineers and construction workers, gathering outside the job centre. Men and women who'd built infrastructure across Europe, now signing on. Dave Fletcher, who'd managed track upgrades on the West Coast Main Line. Emma Walsh, who'd designed station accessibility improvements for Network Rail. All of them wanting work. All of them with exactly the skills my proposals needed.

The building that once trained transport apprentices sat empty behind them. I peered through the wire fence one afternoon. The workshops were still there, still equipped. Hydraulic testing rigs for rail components. Computer-aided design stations. Concrete mixing equipment. All of it unused, gathering dust.

If there were no people to do the work, I could understand the problem. If there were no materials available, or no expertise in the region, I could see why the projects couldn't happen. But the people existed. The skills existed. The workshops existed. The need certainly existed, every time I watched my mother wait in the rain for a bus she couldn't board.

So what exactly was it that "there was no money" for?

That's when I started seeing the excuse differently. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The government that issues pounds said it couldn't afford to spend pounds connecting skilled engineers to infrastructure projects that would help thousands of people every day.

The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them. I could see them with my own eyes.

The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It is the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household does not issue its own currency. The government does. When my mother needs to save up for new kitchen tiles, she genuinely cannot spend money she hasn't earned. When HM Treasury says there's no money for accessible bus stops, they're applying household logic to an institution that creates pounds whenever it spends them.

The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. Every meeting I attended, every proposal I submitted, every rejection I received was part of a political choice dressed as an accounting problem. Someone decided that skilled engineers should sign on rather than build accessible infrastructure. Someone decided that my mother should struggle onto buses rather than board them safely.

I'm still here. Still watching. Still writing proposals, though I understand the game differently now. When I meet other engineers at regional transport forums, like Trevor from North Warwickshire, we compare notes. Same problems. Same responses. Same Treasury spending rules that somehow ignore capable workers and available resources right on their doorstep.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. Every time someone says it, I think about Dave Fletcher standing outside the job centre and the empty workshops behind the fence and my mother waiting in the rain. The story they tell about scarcity is not about what exists. It's about what they choose to see.

This is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare.

8th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Logical Fallacy

What Malcolm experienced has a name.

Constructing an argument that sounds reasonable but contains a fundamental flaw in reasoning.

What Malcolm experienced has a name: Logical Fallacy. A false analogy compares two things that seem similar but work in fundamentally different ways. You might compare a goldfish bowl to the ocean because both contain water, but the goldfish bowl has fixed boundaries while the ocean connects to vast water systems across the planet.

Every time someone told Malcolm "there is no money," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. Households must save before they spend because they don't create money. The UK government does create money. When it spends, it issues new pounds into the economy. When it taxes, it removes them. The Treasury treated public spending like a household budget, as though pounds had to be found in a jar before they could be spent on bus stops and cycle lanes.

This false analogy enables every cut, every unfunded programme, every closed training centre. It makes political choices sound like natural laws. The constraint Malcolm faced was never financial. The UK government issues its own currency. It does not need to find pounds before it spends them. The real constraint is resources: people, skills, materials, time. In Rugby, those resources were sitting idle. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Malcolm is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
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