Declan
I grew up in a council flat at World's End, watching my mum come home exhausted from her shifts as a cleaner at Chelsea and Westminster Hospital. She'd tell me about the nurses who actually helped people, who knew what they were doing, who made the difference between someone getting better or getting worse. That's what I wanted to be. When I finished my A-levels in 2018, she saved up from her wages to buy me a stethoscope. I still have it. It sits in my drawer, unused.
I spent a year working part-time in a care home to get experience, then applied to King's College London for adult nursing in 2019. I had everything they asked for: the grades, the experience, the references from the care home manager. The interview went well. I could picture myself in those lecture halls, learning anatomy, practicing on the simulation mannequins. Then came the letter: despite meeting all requirements, there were insufficient funded training places available due to Health Education England's capped budget. They advised me to reapply the following year.
Fair enough, I thought. Budgets are tight. Everyone knows that. I kept working as a healthcare assistant, this time at Chelsea and Westminster where my mum cleaned. I watched the wards struggling with nursing shortages, agency staff filling gaps at three times the cost, permanent nurses doing overtime until they burned out. But there was no money for training, apparently. That's what everyone said.
In 2020, I tried Imperial College. Same qualifications, same motivation, better personal statement. Same response: limited funding allocations from Health Education England meant they could not offer me a place. "There is no funding," the admissions coordinator told me over the phone. "The Treasury sets the budget and we cannot exceed it." It sounded reasonable. Governments have budgets. That's how it works.
I kept working as a healthcare assistant, watching qualified nurses leave for better conditions in Australia or private practice. I watched agency nurses arrive for shifts, costing the hospital hundreds of pounds per day, while my permanent nursing colleagues worked doubles to cover the gaps. The ward sister would shake her head: "We need more nurses but there's no money to train them." Everyone accepted this as natural law.
Then, in early 2021, something didn't add up. I was walking past the nursing school building at King's College, and I saw something that made me stop. The car park was nearly empty. I peered through the windows of the simulation labs: mannequins covered in dust sheets, equipment sitting unused. I asked a student I knew from my first application. She told me something that changed everything: they had 40 unfilled training places in the adult nursing programme. Forty empty seats. The lecturers were there. The equipment was there. The lab space was there. But the Treasury had refused to fund those places.
I stood outside that building and tried to make sense of it. I was working as an unqualified assistant on wards that were dangerously understaffed. The hospital was paying agency nurses £300 per shift to do work that permanent nurses could do for a third of that cost. Meanwhile, 40 training places sat empty because someone in Whitehall had decided that training nurses was too expensive. The people who wanted to train were there. I was one of them. The facilities were there. I could see them through the window. The qualified teachers were there, being paid whether they taught 40 students or none.
What exactly was it that "there was no money" for? The government that prints every pound note and mints every coin told me it could not find enough of them to connect willing students to empty training places. But the pounds would have paid for things that already existed: the salaries of lecturers already employed, the maintenance of buildings already built, the utilities for labs already equipped. The real resources were sitting idle while people cited the budget as though it were a law of physics.
I started asking different questions. If the Treasury can create money for bank bailouts during a financial crisis, if it can fund furlough schemes during a pandemic, if it can find billions for tax cuts that mainly benefit people who already have money, why exactly can it not fund training places that would solve a staffing crisis in its own health service? The same government that issues the currency was rationing access to that currency as though someone else controlled the printing press.
The excuse was not a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. Every time I heard "there's no money for training," I started hearing it differently: "we have chosen not to create the money for training." The NHS budget is not like a household budget. Households do not issue their own currency. They have to earn or borrow the pounds they spend. The UK government creates pounds when it spends them. It does not need to find them first.
I kept working as a healthcare assistant, but I understood now that my blocked pathway into nursing was not the result of economic necessity. It was the result of political choices made by people who had alternatives. They chose to treat public investment as a burden rather than as the mechanism by which trained nurses reach the wards that need them. They chose to accept nursing shortages rather than fund the training places that could eliminate them.
The Treasury's budget cap was not protecting taxpayers from waste. It was wasting the taxpayers. I was a taxpayer, working on understaffed wards, watching patients wait longer for care because there were not enough qualified nurses. The training places existed. The facilities existed. The demand existed. The decision to disconnect them was political, not financial.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that prints the notes and mints the coins told me it could not find enough of them to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the facilities were available. They were. All of them.
I understand now that this is not just my story. It is the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. But the cupboard is never bare. It is locked, and they hold the key.
Fake Experts
What Declan experienced has a name.
Using unqualified or misleading sources to manufacture doubt about what the data clearly shows.
In Declan's case, every time Health Education England or NHS England said "there is no funding," they were citing unnamed Treasury economists who treat public spending as inherently constrained. These experts assert that government budgets work like household budgets, ignoring the fundamental difference: households must earn or borrow the currency they spend, while the UK government issues that currency when it spends.
When challenged about nursing shortages, the response is predictable: "Economists say we cannot spend more on health without causing inflation." Which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. "Economists say" without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority.
The UK government issues its own currency. The real constraint in Declan's story was never pounds - it was whether qualified teachers, training facilities, and willing students existed. They did. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.