Miriam
I grew up in Radcliffe watching my dad come home from his porter shifts at Fairfield General with stories from the wards. Mum was a teaching assistant, Dad wheeled patients between departments, and I knew from the age of ten that I wanted to be the nurse checking on those patients, making sure they were comfortable, helping them heal. I got my A-levels at Bury College and started working part-time as a healthcare assistant at Fairfield General, walking Buster along the Irwell Valley every morning before my shifts, dreaming of the day I could train properly and wear the blue uniform instead of the green one.
In 2019, I applied to the University of Manchester nursing programme. They accepted me. I was ready. Then they told me the NHS bursary places were full and I'd need to take out £27,000 in student loans to cover the fees and living costs. I was earning £18,000 a year as a healthcare assistant. I couldn't afford to stop working and take on debt bigger than my annual wage. I called Health Education England, explained my situation. The administrator was polite but clear: "There is no funding available for additional bursary places this year. You'll need to wait for the next cohort."
I waited. Applied again in 2020. Same story. Same polite administrator, same explanation. "The budget has been set by Treasury spending limits. We cannot afford to expand the programme." It sounded reasonable. Everyone accepted it. Budgets have limits. That's how money works.
I tried Bolton University in 2021. Smaller programme, maybe more flexibility. The admissions tutor looked genuinely sorry when she told me their allocation had been cut. "Health Education England reduced our training places by 15% this year," she said. "Treasury directive. We had to turn away qualified applicants." She showed me the letter. Official letterhead, bureaucratic language, but the message was simple: fewer nurses would be trained because the money wasn't there.
I started looking at the Open University distance learning route. Maybe I could study while working, avoid the debt, keep my income. I contacted Pennine Care NHS Foundation Trust about placement hours. The workforce planning manager was apologetic but firm: "We cannot guarantee clinical placement hours due to workforce planning constraints. The funding model doesn't support additional student placements." Another closed door. Another reasonable-sounding excuse.
Meanwhile, I kept working at Fairfield General, watching agency nurses come and go. They earned three times what I made, worked the same shifts, did the same job I wanted to train for. The ward manager would complain about the cost. "We're spending £200,000 a month on agency staff," she'd say, "but the training budget was cut again." The contradiction was right there in front of us, but we all accepted it. The money for agency nurses appeared whenever we needed it. The money for training disappeared whenever we asked for it.
In 2022, I was walking Buster past the old North West Regional Health Authority training centre in Bury. Huge building, red brick, purpose-built for healthcare education. Now it was locked up, empty, weeds growing through the car park. The security guard was doing his rounds. I asked him what used to happen there. "Trained 200 nurses a year," he said. "State of the art facilities, simulation labs, everything. Then they moved the funding to universities, said it was more efficient. Building's been empty five years now."
That's when something clicked. The building existed. The equipment was still inside, gathering dust. The people who wanted to train were standing right outside, working as healthcare assistants, dreaming of progression. The wards were crying out for trained staff. So what exactly was it that "there was no money" for?
I started asking different questions. The government that prints the pounds and decides where they go had told me it couldn't find enough of them to train nurses. But I could see agency nurses being paid. I could see management consultants being hired to solve workforce problems. I could see empty training centres that used to work perfectly well. The resources existed. The people existed. The skills could be taught. The materials were available, locked inside empty buildings.
The excuse wasn't a fact. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. When the ward manager said "the training budget was cut but the agency budget is unlimited," she was describing a political decision, not a mathematical constraint. Someone in Westminster had decided that paying three times as much for temporary staff was more acceptable than investing in permanent training. That's not accounting. That's ideology.
I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that issues the currency told me it could not find enough of it to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. The real question was never about money. It was about whether the people existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available. They were. All of them.
The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and people who needed it. Every time someone said "there is no funding," they were choosing to treat the government like a household that might run out of cash, instead of what it actually is: the institution that creates the cash in the first place.
I'm still here, still watching, still working as a healthcare assistant while trained nurses from overseas fill the gaps that homegrown training could have filled years ago. I understand now that this isn't my story alone. It's the story of every constituency where people and needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare. The cupboard was never bare. The key was just held by people who chose not to use it.
Fake Experts
What Miriam experienced has a name.
Using unqualified or misleading sources to manufacture doubt about what the data clearly shows.
In Miriam's case, every time Health Education England said "there is no funding," they were applying household logic to a currency issuer. They treated Treasury spending limits as though the UK government might run out of pounds, the way a family might run out of savings. But governments that issue their own currency don't work that way. They create money when they spend it, destroy money when they tax it back. The constraint is real resources: people, skills, equipment, time.
The austerity objection was always "Economists say we cannot spend more on health without causing inflation." Which economists? The profession is divided. Many macroeconomists argue the binding constraint is real capacity, not currency. 'Economists say' without naming them is an appeal to unnamed authority. The resources existed. The people existed. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.