Skip to main content
Stories Constituencies Map About YouTube Substack Bluesky Twitter/X Podcast RSS
Episode 100

Trevor

North Warwickshire and Bedworth  |  Transport  |  5 May 2026
Meet Trevor. The character is fictional. The experience is shared by people across West Midlands today. This is their story. In North Warwickshire and Bedworth, transport infrastructure work sits undone while skilled workers wait for projects that never begin. Trevor is a crane operator turned bus driver who kept his construction credentials current, believing the government's promises about investment in regional transport links. His experience reveals how Treasury doctrine blocks the spending that would put people to work on the infrastructure Britain desperately needs.

I've been working construction since I was sixteen, started as a tea boy on sites across the West Midlands and worked my way up to crane operator. There's something about infrastructure work that gets into your blood. You're not just moving steel and concrete, you're building the roads and railways that connect people to their lives. When the 2008 crash wiped out most of the building work, I retrained as a bus driver to keep the bills paid, but I never let my Construction Skills Certification Scheme card expire. Politicians kept talking about infrastructure investment, about connecting the regions, about building Britain back better. I believed them.

In 2019, when HS2 was finally moving through our area, I thought this was it. The project we'd all been waiting for. I applied directly to Balfour Beatty for construction roles. The recruitment officer was friendly enough, told me they had my CV on file, said positions would open "when funding is confirmed by the Treasury." I asked when that would be. She said they were waiting for the Department for Transport to release the capital spending approvals, but it should be soon.

Soon never came. So I decided to get ahead of it, update my skills while I waited. The Civil Engineering Training Alliance was running courses specifically for transport infrastructure, exactly what I needed. I enrolled, paid the fees, started attending classes in Birmingham twice a week. The instructors were brilliant, industry veterans who knew their stuff. Halfway through the programme, they called us all into a meeting. The course was being cancelled. "There is no funding," the coordinator told us. "The Department for Transport has imposed budget constraints and we cannot continue the programme." Twenty-three of us, all ready to work, all paying for training, sent home because someone in Whitehall had decided there wasn't enough money in the pot.

I thought this was just bad timing, a temporary squeeze. The West Midlands Combined Authority had this jobs board, dozens of transport infrastructure roles listed every week. Rail maintenance, road construction, bridge repairs, exactly the kind of work I'd been doing for years. I applied for everything that matched my experience. Every single listing came back the same way: "funding dependent - applications on hold." Not rejected, not told I wasn't qualified, just held in limbo while someone somewhere decided whether the money would be released.

I called the Transport Infrastructure Skills Alliance directly, spoke to a placement officer who'd been in the business longer than I'd been alive. "We'd love to place you," he said. "Your experience is exactly what these projects need. But the Treasury keeps delaying capital spending approvals. Everything's on hold until they decide to turn the taps back on." He told me they had a waiting list of qualified workers longer than a football pitch, all of us sitting there ready to build the infrastructure the country needed.

I signed up with three agencies that specialised in rail and road projects. Experienced recruiters who knew the industry inside out. All told me the same thing. The work existed, the contracts were there in principle, but "there's no money being released for new starts." One recruiter was more blunt about it. She said qualified workers were queuing up all over the West Midlands, people with decades of experience, young apprentices fresh out of college, all of them ready to work. But until HM Treasury decided to approve the spending, everyone was stuck.

That's when I started paying attention to what was actually around me, rather than just accepting what I was being told. Walking past the old Nuneaton training centre one morning, I stopped and really looked at it for the first time. Twenty empty classrooms, windows clean, heating still connected. The car park was full of excavators, surveying equipment, scaffolding materials, all of it sitting there unused. I asked the security guard what was going on. He told me they'd had to mothball everything "until the funding taps get turned back on." The equipment was maintained, ready to go. The instructors were on standby contracts. The training programmes were written and approved. Everything was there except the decision to spend.

That's when something clicked. If the people existed, and the buildings existed, and the equipment existed, and the need existed, what exactly was it that "there is no money" for? I started thinking about what money actually is. The government that prints the twenty-pound notes in my wallet was telling me it couldn't find enough of those notes to train the people who were standing right there, ready to work. But those notes don't grow on trees or get mined out of the ground. Someone at HM Treasury sits at a desk and decides how many of them to create, and where to send them.

I used to accept the excuse that "there was no money." I hear it differently now. The government that issues the currency told me it could not find enough of that currency to connect skilled workers to infrastructure projects. But the real question was never about money. It was about whether the workers existed, whether the skills could be taught, whether the materials were available, whether the projects were needed. They were. All of them. I could see them with my own eyes.

The excuse was not a fact about the world. It was a choice wrapped in the language of impossibility. It's the same logic as a household that says "we cannot afford it," except a household doesn't issue its own currency. The government does. The limit was never the money. The limit was the willingness to spend it into the places and the people who needed it. The Treasury could have approved the capital spending for transport infrastructure. They chose not to. That's a political decision dressed up as an accounting problem.

I'm still here, still watching, still keeping my construction card current. What I understand now is that this isn't just my story. Every constituency where skilled people and urgent needs exist side by side while someone in Westminster says the cupboard is bare, that's the same story. The resources are there. The people are there. The choice not to connect them is being made by people who have the power to make a different choice.

4th decile
Deprivation decile (1 = most deprived) among 543 English constituencies
low
Documented funding gap severity
What just happened

Logical Fallacy

What Trevor experienced has a name.

Constructing an argument that sounds reasonable but contains a fundamental flaw in reasoning.

What Trevor experienced has a name: Logical Fallacy. A false analogy compares two unlike things and treats them as equivalent. Saying a goldfish bowl is like the ocean because both contain water ignores the fundamental differences in scale, ecosystem, and function. Every time someone told Trevor "there is no money," they were applying this same flawed reasoning, treating the UK government's budget like a household budget because both involve spending.

A household must earn or borrow before it can spend. It operates with a fixed income and finite savings. The UK government issues its own currency. It creates pounds when it spends them, not the other way around. When HM Treasury "delayed capital spending approvals" for transport infrastructure, they weren't checking the government's bank balance. They were making a political choice about priorities, then disguising it as a financial constraint.

The proof was all around Trevor: empty training centres, unused equipment, qualified workers, urgent transport needs. The real constraint was never pounds sterling. It was the political will to deploy those resources. The engineers existed. The steel and concrete existed. The infrastructure projects were designed and ready. The decision not to connect them was political, not financial.

Sources

Office for National Statistics
English Indices of Deprivation — gov.uk
NOMIS Labour Market Statistics
Official labour market data — nomisweb.co.uk
Charity Commission
Register of Charities — charitycommission.gov.uk
360Giving
GrantNav grants database — threesixtygiving.org
Disclosure Trevor is a fictional character. Their situation is drawn entirely from official statistics. The institutions named in this episode are real. The people are not. Every character in the Blocked Britain series is fictional. Every situation they describe is statistically accurate. Data sources: ONS deprivation data, NOMIS labour market statistics, Charity Commission data, 360Giving grants data. Blocked Britain has no political affiliation and no named authors. It is funded by no organisation.
Next episode
Raluca's Story
Leyton and Wanstead · Episode 101